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Who are these national "offender advocates" for the juvenile killers and violent teens?
Who are the members of the National Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of "Children"?
Who is funding this effort to free murderers sentenced to life without parole?

These organizations and individuals listed below, from their own public websites, all want to end JLWOP and are putting up substantial monies to do so. Our own estimates based on staff working full time on the issue, published glossy reports, donations we know of, fellowships and grants we have been told about, show that there have been many millions of dollars nationally (and possibly quite a bit more) put out to help provide early release to juvenile killers sentenced to life for some of the worst crimes in US history. See our page on Offender Advocacy in general.

Not a dime for their victims. Not a dime devoted to even advocating that victims be found and notified of this effort to retroactively undo these sentences.

 

Many of them know about the requests we have made as victims to be included in their efforts. To date, only silence in response. Below is their submission to the American Bar Association and ultimately we believe their agenda in the new Obama Administration.

 

Not a word, of course, about the victims and the families left behind. Not a word about how to include, support, and involve the victims of these crimes in this policy proposal. Not a dime yet dedicated among the many national staffers for the offenders to the victims families. Not a word acknowledging the one concern we have expressed - that periodic review as a reform only transfers the life sentences from the offender to the victim. There are other ways to reform the sentence without doing it on the backs of victims. We urge those named below to respond to our pleas to hear and include the victims in their work.

 

We remain incredulous - so much for the killers. Not even comforting words for us from those who would free our loved ones' killers.

 

Two major individual funders: George Soros, Open Society Institute; and Peter Lewis, Progressive Insurance, (we invite you to google them both extensively for more on this - there are too many websites about them both for us to link to) are leading funders of this effort to free violent teens and provide early release to convicted murderers sentenced to life without parole.

 

Other funders include: • The Joyce Foundation,  JEHT (now bankrupt), and other foundations • DLA Piper, other law firms, and the American Bar Association • Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International and other human rights organizations • The ACLU, American Psychological Association, and various religious groups • Offender family members and friends • CURE, the John Howard Association and other prison reformers

 

We, the victims' families of these devastating crimes by these extremely violent offenders, would appeal to their philanthropies for funding for victims families as well, but we have already been told that we should not bother because we would not be successful. Plus it seems horribly wrong to even ask for funding to support NOVJL from those who have already been standing so strongly with those who murdered our loved ones.

 

We are most concerned, not by the financial support these funders lend to any cause they believe in, but by their bizarre, one-sided choice to fund the interests of killers, while not providing a single dime to outreach or support to their devastated victims. Many victims families, for example, had their only breadwinner murdered, and are now living financially devastated lives because of the choices of these offenders. Where is the support and concern for them?

 

The lead coalition organization nationally to end jlwop is the national Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth. They receive money from the funders mentioned. They have multiple paid full time staff (see job listings, staff, affiliate, and board members below). We recommend that they take one half of all their funds and use it for victim outreach and support. To date, none of these groups have even sent a dime to the victims or used any of their vast resources to help in form, educate, or even just talk to the victims families of these violent offenders.

 

The Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children

Children’s Advocacy Clinic, Children in Prison Project, Florida State University College of Law

Children’s Law Center, Massachusetts

Citizens for Juvenile Justice, Massachusetts

Columbia Legal Services, on behalf of clients, Seattle, Washington

DLA Piper, LLP

Bernardine Dohrn, Director, Children & Family Justice Center, Northwestern University School of Law

Family and Friends of Inmates, Omaha, Nebraska

Shaena Fazal, Director, Long‐Term Prisoner Policy Project, John Howard Association of Illinois

Brian J. Foley, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, Boston University School of Law

Human Rights Advocates, California

Human Rights Watch, New York

Individual parents, relatives, or friends of youth serving JLWOP sentences throughout the United States

Juvenile Justice Project of Louisiana

Juvenile Law Center, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Michelle Leighton, Director Human Rights Programs, University of San Francisco School of Law

NAACP, Legal Defense Fund, New York

National Center for Youth Law, Oakland, California

National Juvenile Justice Network, Washington, D.C.

Penal Reform International, Washington, D.C.

Pendulum Foundation, Colorado

The Sentencing Project, Washington, D.C.

Jeffrey Shook, Assistant Professor of Social Work and Law, University of Pittsburgh

Randolph N. Stone, Clinical Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School

Rev. Bonnie Young, Kings Crossing Foundation, Colorado

Youth Advocacy Project, Massachusetts Committee for Public Counsel Services

Youth Justice Coalition, Los Angeles (led by youth, including many serving LWOP and other life sentences

 

Submission by The Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children to the ABA’s Juvenile Justice Committee’s Town Hall Meeting November 6, 2008

Life without Parole for Youth Offenders in the United States in 2008

Youth (persons below the age of 18) can and do commit terrible crimes, causing enormous suffering to victims and their families. When youth commit such crimes, they should be held accountable, but in a manner that reflects their age and immaturity and their special capacity for rehabilitation. Instead, 39 US states and the federal government have tried teens who are too young to vote, buy cigarettes, or serve on the juries they appear before, and have sentenced them to juvenile life without parole (JLWOP). Life without parole means that a young person is sentenced to die in prison.

A sentence of juvenile life without parole is cruel, unfair, and unnecessary. It sends an unequivocal message to youth that they are beyond redemption. It erroneously presumes that allowing youth offenders a parole hearing (which is not a guarantee of release) would fail to protect public safety and be unfair to victims. It also ignores the differences between adults and children—differences we accept as a matter of common sense, and which science fully recognizes.

Recommendations

The United States must stop sentencing youth offenders to life without possibility of parole. Specifically, the Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children recommends:

To the Newly Elected President of the United States and the US Congress

                        Abolish the sentence of life without parole for youth charged with violating federal laws. Such legislation should include a retroactivity provision enabling youth offenders currently serving life without parole to have their cases reviewed by a court for re‐assessment and re‐sentencing to a sentence that includes the possibility of parole.

                        Pass HR 4300, or other legislation to condition federal funding of state programs upon the state’s elimination of life without parole sentences for youth offenders.

Life without Parole for Youth: A Nationwide Problem

According to Human Rights Watch:

¾ There are currently 2,484 persons in US prisons serving sentences of life without parole for crimes committed when they were under the age of 18.

¾ Nationally, black youth are serving life without parole at a per capita rate that is 10 times that of white youth.

¾ There are no youth serving JLWOP anywhere else in the world. Four youth serving life without parole sentences in US prisons; the pictures depict each of them within a few months of his or her arrest. They were (from left to right) age seventeen, fourteen, sixteen, and fifteen when they committed their crimes. © 2005 Private.

Youth serving JLWOP across the country are predominantly male (only 2.6 percent are female), and the majority are black (60 percent). Sixteen percent were fifteen or younger when they committed their crimes. Figure 1 (below) gives the state distribution of the 2,484 youth serving JLWOP sentences. In some states, a sentence of JLWOP is mandatory once a youth is convicted of certain crimes; in others, the sentencing judge has discretion. California, Florida, Louisiana, Michigan, and Pennsylvania have the largest numbers of youth sentenced to JLWOP, and all but California impose the sentence on a mandatory basis.1

Figure 1 – State Distribution of 2,484 Juvenile Offenders Serving JLWOP2

State

Total

State Law

State

Total

State Law

1 In California, youth convicted of certain categories of murder are presumptively sentenced to JLWOP, since California law states that in such cases youth “shall be” sentenced to JLWOP unless a judge finds “good reason” to instead impose a sentence of 25 years to life.

2 Sources: State prison systems provided data directly to Human Rights Watch as of mid‐2004 (except that HRW used the National Corrections Reporting Program to obtain data for Virginia, and for Alabama, we used its inmate locator system). We updated data between mid‐2004 and 2008 using the following methods: state departments of corrections sent updated data directly to Human Rights Watch or to other organizations; post‐2004 press reports were checked against inmate records with state departments of corrections; and correspondence received by Human Rights Watch from youth offenders sentenced to life without parole was checked against press reports and state inmate records. The term “mandatory” means judges have no option other than to sentence youth offenders to JLWOP upon conviction for at least one type of offense. Most often that offense is first degree murder. State law researched by Human Rights Watch and updated by Connie de la Vega and Michelle Leighton, “Sentencing Our Children to Die in Prison: Global Law and Practice,” University of San Francisco Law Review, Spring 2008.

3 Sources: See Figure 1 above for JLWOP sentencing data. Population data extracted by Human Rights Watch from C. Puzzanchera, T. Finnegan, and W. Kang, National Center for Juvenile Justice, “Easy Access to Juvenile Populations Online: US Census Population Data,” State Population Data with Bridged Race Categories 2004, for ages 14‐17, [1] http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/ojstatbb/ezapop/ (accessed January 2, 2008). Certain states are not included in the above figure because of insufficient data. The ratios were calculated using rates per 10,000 population of youth age 14‐17 disaggregated by race and state.

Crimes That Can Lead to a Life without Parole Sentence

As youth and adult crime rates rose in the late 1980s and early 1990s, politicians and the public feared they were being besieged by “super‐predators”—youth who repeatedly committed violent offenses. In response, states decided to try youth as adults and to send greater numbers of those convicted to adult prison, some with life without parole sentences. The actual profiles of youth sentenced to JLWOP show how misguided and unnecessary those decisions were.

                        The majority of youth sentenced to life without parole are first offenders. Prior to the crime for which they were sentenced to JLWOP, an estimated 59 percent had neither an adult criminal record nor a juvenile adjudication.

                        An estimated 26 percent of youth offenders were convicted of felony murder. These are crimes in which a teen who commits a non‐homicide felony such as robbery is held responsible for a codefendant’s act of murder that occurs during the course of the felony. State laws often do not require the teen to know that a murder will take place or even that the codefendant is armed.

                        Many teens serving JLWOP committed their crimes with adults. For example, in 70 percent of JLWOP cases in California in which a teen was acting with codefendants, at least one of the codefendants was an adult. And, in an estimated 56 percent of California cases in which a juvenile who received JLWOP had an adult codefendant, the adult received a more lenient sentence than the teen.

Racially Discriminatory Sentencing

Figure 2 – Ratio of Black to White Youth Serving JLWOP Sentences3

0.0010.0020.0030.0040.00South CarolinaNevadaAlabamaMississippiKentuckyLouisianaGeorgiaWashingtonMissouriFloridaArkansasOklahomaIowaMassachusettsMarylandMichianAll States *ArizonaColoradoNorth CarolinaNebraskaIllinoisWisconsinDelawareCaliforniaPennsylvaniaConnecticut

As shown in figure 2 above, on average across the country, black youth are serving life without parole at a per capita rate that is 10 times that of white youth. Many states have racial disparities that are far greater. Among the 26 states with five or more youth offenders serving JLWOP and for which Human Rights Watch had data on race, the highest black to white ratios are in Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and California, where black youth are between 18 and 48 times more likely to be serving a sentence of life without parole than white youth.

Life without Parole and International Human Rights

The global rejection of life without parole for young offenders is overwhelming: The Center For Law and Global Justice at the University of San Francisco, in collaboration with Human Rights Watch, has confirmed that there are no youth offenders serving life without parole sentences anywhere in the rest of the world. In its use of JLWOP sentences for youth, the United States is an international anomaly.

The United States’ practice of sentencing youth to JLWOP is a violation of at least two international treaties to which the United States is party. The Human Rights Committee (the oversight and enforcement body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) has said that “[t]he Committee is of the view that sentencing children to life sentences without parole is of itself not in compliance with article 24(1) of the Covenant.” In addition, in March 2008, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (the oversight and enforcement body for the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination) found that, in light of the racial disparities in the sentencing of youth to JLWOP in the US, “the persistence of such [youth LWOP] sentencing is incompatible with article 5 (a) of the Convention. The Committee therefore recommends that the State party discontinue the use of life sentence without parole against [youth offenders], and review the situation of persons already serving such sentences.”

Fair Sentences for Youth

In the United States, criminal punishment has four goals: rehabilitation, retribution, deterrence, and incapacitation. Sentencing youth to life without parole fails to measure up on all four counts.

After years of ignoring the goal of rehabilitation, the United States is moving back to recognizing it as crucial to community safety. Life without parole not only does not advance this goal, it negates it. The sentence sends an unequivocal message to youth offenders that they are banished from the community forever, no matter how they change or grow. In this regard, we note that the American Bar Association adopted resolution 105C in 2008, urging the adoption of laws to ensure that “Youthful offenders should generally be eligible for parole or other early release consideration at a reasonable point during their sentence; and, if denied, should be reconsidered for parole or early release periodically thereafter.”

Proponents of life without parole believe the sentence is necessary in order to ensure retribution—that society metes out the worst punishment for the worst offenses. However, while teens can commit the same acts as adults, by virtue of their immaturity they are not as blameworthy or culpable. They do not have adults’ developed abilities to think, to weigh consequences, to make sound decisions, to control their impulses, and to resist group pressures; their brains are anatomically different, still evolving into the brains of adults.

Neuroscientists conducting magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) research have uncovered striking physical differences between the brains of adolescents and those of adults, showing that the areas involved in impulse

control are less developed in youth. These findings suggest that states should revise their sentencing laws to ensure that youth are not sentenced as if they were adults.

Supporters of the life without parole sentence also claim that teens who pause to consider the consequences before committing crimes will be deterred if they face harsh sentences such as life in prison without parole. But young people are less likely than adults to pause before acting, and when they do, research has failed to show that the threat of adult punishment deters them from crime. Finally, incapacitation as a justification for life without parole sentences fails because some youth offenders can be rehabilitated and become productive members of society.

The terrible crimes committed by youth can cause injury and death and ruin lives. In its sentencing choices, the United States must reflect the harm these youth have caused. But it must also acknowledge that they are not all irredeemably violent people. Recognizing their capacity to grow and to transform themselves is deeply embedded in human rights principles. Instead of violating those principles with regularity, the United States should vigorously uphold them.

Submitted by the Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children

Children’s Advocacy Clinic, Children in Prison Project, Florida State University College of Law

Children’s Law Center, Massachusetts

Citizens for Juvenile Justice, Massachusetts

Columbia Legal Services, on behalf of clients, Seattle, Washington

DLA Piper, LLP

Bernardine Dohrn, Director, Children & Family Justice Center, Northwestern University School of Law

Family and Friends of Inmates, Omaha, Nebraska

Shaena Fazal, Director, Long‐Term Prisoner Policy Project, John Howard Association of Illinois

Brian J. Foley, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, Boston University School of Law

Human Rights Advocates, California

Human Rights Watch, New York

Individual parents, relatives, or friends of youth serving JLWOP sentences throughout the United States

Juvenile Justice Project of Louisiana

Juvenile Law Center, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Michelle Leighton, Director Human Rights Programs, University of San Francisco School of Law

NAACP, Legal Defense Fund, New York

National Center for Youth Law, Oakland, California

National Juvenile Justice Network, Washington, D.C.

Penal Reform International, Washington, D.C.

Pendulum Foundation, Colorado

The Sentencing Project, Washington, D.C.

Jeffrey Shook, Assistant Professor of Social Work and Law, University of Pittsburgh

Randolph N. Stone, Clinical Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School

Rev. Bonnie Young, Kings Crossing Foundation, Colorado

Youth Advocacy Project, Massachusetts Committee for Public Counsel Services

Youth Justice Coalition, Los Angeles (led by youth, including many serving LWOP and other life sentences

Article printed from A Voice for Juvenile Prison Reform: http://avoiceforjuvenileprisonreform.kingscrossingfoundation.com

URL to article: http://avoiceforjuvenileprisonreform.kingscrossingfoundation.com/2008/11/18/moving-forward-to-a-new-day/

URLs in this post:
[1] http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/ojstatbb/ezapop/: http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/ojstatbb/ezapop/

 

WHO IS BEHIND THE CAMPAIGN FOR THE FAIR SENTENCING OF YOUTH?

READ BELOW

Job Opportunity (in addition to full time Executive Director and other staff already in place)

Full- Time Position Available* :  (WE PUBLISH THIS AS EVIDENCE OF THEIR ABUNDANT FUNDING!!)
Communications Specialist
Washington, D.C.
Deadline for applications: September 18, 2009

Download: Communications Job Announcement (.pdf)

BACKGROUND: The Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth (CFSY) works to reform the
sentencing of juveniles to life without the possibility of parole (JLWOP) in the United States. The
Campaign works with advocates across the United States, and in Washington, D.C. The CFSY uses a
multi-pronged approach to reforming JLWOP through public education, advocacy, and litigation.
We work with active state campaigns and are advised by a committee of experts in the field.

DESCRIPTION: The Communications Specialist will report directly to the National Coordinator, and will
be based in Washington, DC. Salary is commensurate with experience and health benefits are included.
The Communications Specialist will develop and implement a robust communications strategy for the
Campaign through tasks including, but not limited to:

bulletDeveloping written and social media- friendly materials for public education purposes
bulletCreating material for, and updating information on, Campaign website
bulletWriting and distributing press releases/advisories on behalf of the Campaign
bulletCoordinating media appearances for Campaign spokespeople
bulletTraining state-based campaign members on the national communications strategy. Working
with these state-based advocates to strengthen their own communications work, including by
tailoring national and state messages, developing talking points, interacting with reporters, and
identifying new and unlikely spokespeople, consistent with the Campaign’s national
communication strategy
bulletProviding assistance to state campaign members in writing and utilizing op/ed’s, letters to the
editor, and state-specific press advisories/releases
bulletMaintaining press clippings and lists of reporters covering criminal justice issues

QUALIFICATIONS: The candidate must have strong written communication skills and experience
working directly with reporters and advocates. Three-to- five years experience in public relations is
required. Experience coordinating public relations for campaigns related to social justice issues is
strongly preferred. Commitment to criminal justice issues, particularly reform to harsh juvenile
sentencing practices in the United States, racial discrimination in juvenile justice, and /or human
rights in the United States and a bachelor’s degree are required. Work experience in juvenile justice
is highly desirable, as is familiarity with Web 2.0. Proficiency in Spanish is a plus.

CORE COMPETENCIES:

bulletLeads with vision—Able to think big picture and pay attention to detail, while adeptly handling sometimes conflicting communications strategies
bulletExcellent communicator – Honest and straightforward in communicating among campaign members and effective at engaging external stakeholders
bulletDriven and versatile– Eager to take the initiative to develop new strategies and work diligently in an environment that often requires independence and flexibility
bulletCommitment to working as a team – friendly and courteous, willing to work closely with the CFSY and as part of the larger community working to end JLWOP

HOW TO APPLY: (no calls or email inquiries) by emailing in a single submission: a letter of interest,
your resume, names or letters of at least three references, and a brief, unedited writing sample
and/or sample press release no later than September 18, 2009 to info@endjlwop.org use “ CFSY
Communications Specialist” as the subject of your email. Only complete applications will be
reviewed.

The CFSY is an equal opportunity employer that does not discriminate in its hiring practices and, in
order to build the strongest possible workforce, actively seeks a diverse applicant pool.

 

CURRENT CFSY STAFF and BOARD as listed on their website:

 

National Coordinator
Jody Kent

Special Assistant to the National Coordinator
Amy Barch

Advisory Committee
Pat Arthur
Senior Attorney
National Center for Youth Law

Sarah Bryer
Director
National Juvenile Justice Network

Bernardine Dohrn
Director
Children & Family Justice Center
Associate Clinical Professor
Northwestern University School of Law

Dana Kaplan
Director
Juvenile Justice Project of Louisiana

Deborah LaBelle
Director
Juvenile Life Without Parole Initiative, ACLU

Kim McGill
Youth Justice Coalition

Lia Monahon
Equal Justice Works Fellow
Children’s Law Center of Massachusetts, Inc.

Alison Parker
Deputy Director, U.S. Program
Human Rights Watch

Liz Ryan (consulting member)
Chief Executive Officer
Campaign for Youth Justice

Bryan Stevenson
Executive Director
Equal Justice Initiative

 

From their website:

 

Who We Are

The Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth is dedicated to reducing and abolishing the sentencing of any person below the age of 18 to life without the possibility of parole. We ensure that people are not declared worthless because of crimes committed in their youth.

The CFSY is guided in its work by the CFSY Advisory Committee, composed of experts in the field). There are currently fifteen state-based campaigns that work with the CFSY to fulfill its goal to require meaningful reviews of all life sentences imposed on youth. These campaigns are led by advocacy organizations, legal professionals, and family members of people serving life without parole for crimes committed in their youth.

For more information, see our “stats by state” page. Some of the CFSY supporters include:

bulletACLU Nebraska
bulletAmerican Civil Liberties Union
bulletAmnesty International
bulletCampaign for Youth Justice
bulletCenter for Children’s Law and Policy
bulletCentro Pedro Claver, Inc.
bulletChildren’s Action Alliance
bulletChildren & Family Justice Center
bulletChildren’s Law Center of Massachusetts, Inc.
bulletChrist & St. Ambrose Episcopal Church, Philadelphia, PA
bulletCoalition for Juvenile Justice
bulletColorado Juvenile Defender  Coalition
bulletCouncil of Juvenile Correctional Administrators
bulletEqual Justice Initiative
bulletFaith Communities for Families and Children
bulletFriends & Families of Inmates, Omaha, Nebraska
bulletGeorgetown Center for Juvenile Justice Reform
bulletHuman Rights Watch
bulletJust Detention International
bulletJustice Policy Institute
bulletJuvenile Justice Coalition of Ohio
bulletJuvenile Justice Initiative of Illinois
bulletJuvenile Justice Project of Louisiana
bulletMichigan Council on Crime and Delinquency
bulletMidwest Juvenile Defender Center
bulletMississippi Youth Justice Project
bulletNAMI Colorado
bulletNational African American Drug Policy Coalition, Inc.
bulletNational Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers
bulletNational Center for Youth Law
bulletNational Juvenile Defender Center
bulletNational Juvenile Justice Network
bulletOffice of Restorative Justice, Archdiocese of Los Angeles
bulletPartnership for Safety & Justice
bulletPenal Reform International
bulletThe Defender Association of Philadelphia
bulletThe Pendulum Foundation
bulletThe Sentencing Project
bulletUnited Methodist Church, General Board of Church and Society
bulletVoices for Children in Nebraska
bulletWisconsin Council on Children and Families
bulletYouth Justice Coalition

Special thanks to the U.S. Human Rights Fund, which coordinates funding for this project, and to the Public Interest Projects, which is our fiscal sponsor.

 

The website for the US Human Rights Fund and Public Interest Projects lists the following foundations as funders:

The Atlantic Philanthropies

Butler Family Fund

Ford Foundation

General Service Foundation

The Libra Foundation

Mertz Gilmore Foundation

Open Society Institute

The Overbrook Foundation

Shaler Adams Foundation

Starry Night Fund at the Tides Foundation

Anonymous