HBs 1695 & 4384
Home Up Lgsltn tlking pts Our Response

January/Feb 2008

A new bill HB 4384 is filed and it is worse that HB 1695, which shows that all the conversations we attempted to have responsibly with the advocates for the juvenile killers feel on absolutely deaf ears.

Instead of review for possible release for a killer sentenced to Life Without Parole after 20 years as HB 1695 did, this bill would allow release after only 10.

Calls to the bill's sponsor on behalf of the victims of these killers have not been returned. Last year the bill's sponsor, Rep. Robert Molaro promised to meet with us before moving forward with the legislation, so we continue to hope for the conversations between the bill's sponsors and the advocates for these killers, and their brutalized victims.

Worst of all, the hundreds of victims families of these killers have STILL not been notified that the life without parole sentences they were promised for the killers of their family members are being proposed to be retroactively undone, despite a Constitutional amendment here in Illinois that says all victims have a right to be notified of all matters related to their cases.

Trying to change a life without parole sentence retroactively without allowing the crime victims voices to be heard in the discussion of that proposed legislation.

The Bill's sponsor has promised a transparent process where victims voices are included.

Yet the hearing date has been set for Wed, Feb 27 in Springfield. No effort has been made that we know of to find and invite the victims families of the 103 juvenile lifers. The bill's sponsor has several options - ask the Department of Corrections to send a notice to all the families, or ask all the States Attorneys' offices to do the same.

We offer this caveat however: victims will be most likely very upset to hear this news and should be told very carefully - very sensitively, and emotional support and counseling should be offered in accompaniment to this notice.

 

March 7, 2007

Summary:

There's a bill before the Illinois House Juvenile Justice Reform Committee, HB1695 (in 2008 this bill is HB 4384), to give juvenile offenders who received Life Without Parole (LWOP) sentences the opportunity for early release.

The original version of the bill proposed that an "Application for Review and Assessment" would be submitted to and reviewed by a three member panel of the Prisoner Review Board (PRB) along with other documentation provided by the Department of Corrections and the panel would decide whether the inmate would be eligible for parole.  The application may be made annually and if found eligible for parole, it is likely that the parole hearings could be held annually, as well. 

Our concerns about the horrific impact annual parole hearings would have on victims' families seems to have had an effect.  Currently, the bill's sponsor has agreed to re-write it and to take into account some of our concerns.

We are working with the Cook County State's Attorney's office, who also opposes this bill.  We have had many conversations with legislators, representatives of the John Howard Association who started this legislative action, members of another coalition of organizations that is looking at this issue from a more measured and thoughtful perspective, and the bill's sponsor.  At the thought of opening a Pandora's Box of incensed victims, some supporters of the bill have been attempting to negotiate its contents.

The bill was heard in committee with victim testimony on March 15.  The final testimony and committee vote will be on March 22, 2007.  The bill will affect over 100 inmates and all the families of their crimes, including the murderer of our family members Nancy Bishop-Langert, who was pregnant at the time, and her husband, Richard, in 1990.

Update after the committee hearing of March 15, 2007:

We met with the proponents of HB 1695 extensively this week, as well as legislators on all sides of the issue. We are committed to work with them to find as much common ground as possible, and to advise them in ways that will best help victims' families.

This is the profile of the juvenile LWOP inmates that has been created by the researchers behind the advocates for the bill:

bulletThere are 103 or 104 JLWOP cases in the Illinois Department of Corrections
bulletAll of these cases are murder cases, or multiple murder cases
bulletMost of the sentences were mandatory, where the judge had no discretion in sentencing them
bulletSome of the offenders were sentenced under felony murder statutes, or "accountability theory" in which they were accomplices in the crime, but perhaps not the actual "trigger man".
bulletA few of them date back to the 1970's but the vast majority of them were from the 1990's
bulletThe vast majority of them took place in Cook County
bulletThe majority of them are African American
bulletThe majority of them were 17 years of age at the time of the crime.
bulletOnly 4 of them were 14 at the time of their crime
bulletOnly 11 of them were 15 at the time of their crime
bulletNone of them were 13
bulletOnly one of them is female
bulletThere are only a small number sentenced in this decade (in other words, the system seems to be "working" on its own to decline the use of this sentence)

We have begun to learn more about the larger picture of those serving LWOP when they committed their very serious crimes between the ages of 14-18.  All of them are convicted murderers, many of them are multiple murderers or aggravated murders combined with other felony offenses such as drug dealing and gang-related activity, though some were sentenced under the accountability theory.

We will advocate for the following in any discussion of a bill of this nature:

1. All of the 103/104 victims families in these cases should be found and notified immediately (in a victim sensitive manner) of discussions in the state legislature to possibly consider retroactively changing a sentence that the victims families were told would never be changed - a life without parole sentence.

There are not that many cases involved here - not compared to the 48,000 some incarcerated inmates in the total IDOC population. Resources necessary to find and notify these families would be relatively minimal.

To date, the advocates for HB 1695 are the only ones in the state that know for sure who all 103/104 cases are and who the victims were in each case. And though we are sure that it would take more time and effort to find those victims families, we have asked them to get to work on that as a most immediate priority, and we have offered to be of assistance in any way that we can in that regard.

2. Victims families that have to travel or take off work should be able to receive support in order to be enabled to participate in these discussions, if they so desire. Victims should also receive counseling and therapeutic support if needed for the consequential emotional traumas that may result from this process.

3. Annual parole reviews and the involvement of the Prisoner Review Board in this process are not an option. The impact of such a process on victims' families in unthinkable. Only appellate courts of law or the Executive Clemency process are appropriate places for such decisions to change sentences. Only there are Due Process rights served. Only there can the protection of the rights of all sides to be heard take place. And only there are the decision-makers accountable to the general public.  Whatever process the advocates for HB1695 propose, we will insist that victims' rights are respected and enforced.

Remember, every one of these cases has already had full review in the judicial branch in thorough trials and appeals.

4. Resources must be made available to victims to help them obtain records from their cases and any other legal documents they may need to make a case against the release of the offender in their case. And this may likely require legal counsel for the families.  Remember, because there was often no foreseen need to obtain transcripts or records, and because many victims were not even given the option to present Victim Impact Statements, these records do not even exist.

5. Some of us believe that juvenile LWOP should only be used in the rarest and most extreme of cases.  There is a very large and significant difference between a 17 year old that plots and personally and maliciously carries out a multiple homicide, and a 14 year old sentenced to LWOP under "accountability theory" in which they were only an accomplice on the periphery of the crime. Though we never claim to speak for all victims, many of us believe that LWOP for juveniles under the accountability theory is not an appropriate sentence. And many of us believe that LWOP for a 14 year old seems far less defensible than for a 17 year old. But LWOP is appropriate as a sentence for the "worst of the worst" in those rarest of circumstances.

We await the release of more details about these 103/104 cases before making judgments about their individual merits.  But the number of cases seems very small compared to prison populations as a whole and, from what we are hearing, most of the crimes are extremely serious.

6. We would not oppose any efforts to eliminate juvenile LWOP as a sentence going forward, or prospectively, if that is what the citizens of Illinois as represented by their legislators decide, and if legal, as that would not have any effect on victims families currently. While prosecutors may be able to make a strong case for the need to keep this sentence as an option in the most serious of cases, that is not an issue on which we will make a stand. But we have heard legal opinions telling us that retroactivity may be mandatory in any bill that reduces sentences for offenders. 

7. Much of what the advocates for HB1695 are basing their argument on is the fact that the United States Supreme Court ruled a few years ago that juveniles are not eligible for the death penalty, largely based on international human rights standards, evolving social norms here at home, and brain research that shows that the frontal lobe is not fully formed until the age of above 20, thereby hampering long term judgment and impulse control. However, already major articles are being written in the neuroscience field that argue that this brain research is being way over-applied to matters like criminal culpability. There has been significant debate denouncing this in sources as respected as the New York Times Magazine. Scientists cite this as an example of over-reaching: if a lack of full frontal lobe development is to "blame" then how does one explain the fact that most teens are relatively well-behaved, and in Europe do not commit violent murders at rates even close to the United States. If the brain development were to "blame" then murder rates amongst teens should be generally the same world wide, and they dramatically of course, are not. 

We will ask that the advocates for retroactive sentencing reduction for JLWOP cases in Illinois make their case on strong enough evidence to justify the damage they may do to the lives of the victims families and the community. We have not seen that evidence yet.

8. We fully understand those who believe that JLWOP is a human rights violation. Many of us are strong advocates for human rights, and in fact, understand it more personally and profoundly than most because of the nature of the crimes against us. We ask not to be treated as opponents of human rights as we advocate for victims rights. 

We plead with all those who care about Human Rights, as we deeply do, both advocates and legislators, to understand that victims' rights are human rights as well. To try to address matters of Human Rights questions in sentencing juveniles who are guilty of extremely serious murders, advocates and legislators cannot allow themselves to be willing to ignore or behave irresponsibly with the impact that any process of retroactive sentence reduction would have on victims. To do so would be nothing short of Machiavellian of them - willing to justify any means necessary to accomplish their goal. 

We often hear our fellow victims say things like this: It just simply hardly makes sense at all that some would care more deeply about the rights of a guilty murderer who, even though they were very young, chose to do what they did; than the well-being of the innocent victims who never chose what devastated their lives forever and can never be returned.

One caveat we would like to throw out to the families and loved ones of these 103/104 cases:  We know that many of you have been through absolute hell with the crime and incarceration, and through the consequences of the choices that these young offenders made.  And we hope that we can always find common ground because we do, actually, have a lot in common.  One thing, however, that is particularly hard for victims to hear is, "We are victims, too."  The word "victim," as we use it here, is a legal term referring to a crime victim.  To have it appropriated by those who are trying to equate their experience, painful as it is, as the family member of a perpetrator of a crime can be re-traumatizing and insensitive to crime victims and their families.  We hope, however, that we can work to be of support to one another when possible.

Here is a "smell test" - compare the resources given to prisoners and victims. Compare the advocates for victims versus prisoners. Compare the support systems of victims versus prisoners.  In nearly all cases, you will find that, even though offender resources may need improvement to keep pace with the crime rate, offenders receive far more attention and absorb many more resources than victims in our legal system.

FINALLY, the bill has been held for a vote in committee until March 22, 2007, with the promise of the sponsor that he would gut and seriously amend what he quite reasonably acknowledged to be serious problems in the scope and methodology of the bill.   We are grateful for all the legislators who took time to listen to us this week and genuinely tried to understand our position.

We urge everyone to stay in active contact with the members of this legislative committee, listed below, as to their feelings about what the bill proposes.  While we are willing to work with supporters of HB1695 to help minimize the trauma their work will have on victims and their families, we would more prefer that the bill not be passed out of committee for this session because it is premature and problematic. 

The text of HB1695 as filed

What supporters of HB1695 are saying:
What is HB1695?
Why Support HB1695?

Our response to these documents

 

Link to a joint report by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International denouncing all Juvenile Life Without Parole sentences. We call upon HRW and AI to meet and dialogue with victims rights advocates about how better to integrate victims rights and understanding the issues involved with victims into this report, which we feel fails to adequately understand the victims issues in the larger question, and in fact treats victims in this report in only the most token and shallow of ways.

Why We Oppose It:

Another organization that has made a commitment to victim rights and notification is studying the juvenile LWOP issue and taking a more measured approach.  We support their efforts and are cooperating with them as they brought us to the table early in the process in an honorable and proactive show of concern and sensitivity.  HB1695 will jeopardize the work of this other organization and make a better solution impossible.

Nowhere in the bill is there any acknowledgement of the victims' right to be notified as there is throughout the statutes that it would amend.  This is an egregious oversight that must be remedied before any such legislation should be considered.

The bill will effectively create another 100+ prisoners eligible for parole that will need to receive reviews from the Prisoner Review Board (PRB) and will place these inmates in a class with the C# inmates that prison reform activists have been complaining about for decades.

Illinois is a no parole state and has been since the 1970's.  The small percentage of inmates who are still eligible for parole (approximately 300 C# prisoners) are remnants of a previous sentencing structure.  To reintroduce parole for these offenders is to take a step backward and move away from the determinate sentencing model that is currently used.

By introducing parole for an additional 100+ inmates, the State will be sentencing the families of those against whom the crimes were committed to a lifetime of parole hearings, perhaps annually, and the State will essentially be breaking the contract with those families that was begun at the time of sentencing.  We already know how devastating and traumatizing attending parole appeal hearings can be on families.  The legislature must be mindful of the consequences of their actions as they affect victims and families.

Passing HB1695 would open the law up to a constitutional challenge.  In order to essentially re-sentence and reclassify these inmates, due process must be followed.  It is our opinion that this cannot be done without a complete re-hearing of the case in order to properly involve all parties.  As we have already found out twenty years after the fact, witnesses, evidence, testimony, and transcripts are no longer available for a fair trial or sentencing hearing to be held.  In an effort to address an issue that legislators feel is important, it is entirely likely that the law they pass will be illegal.  Have the sponsors of this bill been advised on the constitutionality of this proposal?

We, as victims of crime, do recognize that imposing LWOP sentences of juvenile offenders can be problematic from a human rights perspective.  Especially if those sentences are imposed for certain lesser offenses than capital murder or particularly heinous crimes by particularly dangerous individuals.  Nevertheless, there will always be those who, whether apprehended as juveniles or as adults, must always be incarcerated for the rest of their lives for reasons of public safety and the interest of justice.  To that end, we would propose the following solution to this issue:

bulletUndertake a thorough and impartial study of each juvenile offender serving LWOP on a case by case basis with the input of the prosecuting State's Attorney's Office, the victims, the offender's representative, and any other interested parties using all materials and information available.
bulletFollowing this review a determination will be made as to whether the individual sentences handed down were too harsh by current sentencing guidelines rather than a subjective conclusion by a panel of the Prisoner Review Board.
bulletIn appropriate cases where true injustice may be found, the juvenile offender's LWOP sentence would be converted to a determinate sentence of a term of years to be served subject to current DOC rules and regulations.  In cases where it is appropriate, a restorative justice component would be required for anyone pending release.

What We Need You To Do:

ATTEND the committee hearings in Springfield, if you are able.  We will post the date, time, and meeting room here as soon as we know it.

WRITE letters to the bill's sponsor and the members of the Juvenile Justice Reform Committee.  Here is suggested language in for you to copy and paste into your own computer and modify as you see fit.  See contact information below.

CALL the offices of the bill's sponsor and the members of the Juvenile Justice Reform Committee to politely but firmly express your opposition to this bill using the talking points provided in the draft letter and our letter to the PRB.  See contact information below.

CONTACT others who are interested in helping with this issue and get them to write and call, as well.  If you know anyone who would be directly affected by this legislation, have them contact us immediately.

Who to Contact:

Call, write, FAX the legislators below to express your opposition to HB1695.

Members of the House Juvenile Justice Reform Committee:

Role Representative Party
Chairperson : Annazette Collins
262-W Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-8077
(217) 557-7643 FAX
D
Republican Spokesperson : Patricia Reid Lindner
215-N Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-1486
(217) 466-9791 FAX
R
Member: Monique D. Davis
241-E Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-0010
(217) 782-1795 FAX
D
Member: Sara Feigenholtz
254-W Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-8062
(217) 557-7203 FAX
D
Member: Deborah L. Graham
268-S Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-6400
(217) 558-1054 FAX
D
Member: Constance A. Howard
270-S Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-6476
(217) 782-0952 FAX
D
Member: Charles E. Jefferson
279-S Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-3167
(217) 557-7654 FAX
D
Member: Dennis M. Reboletti
206 N Stratton Office Bldg
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-4014
R
Member: Chapin Rose
240 W Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 558-1006
R
Member: Jim Sacia
210-N Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-8186
(217) 558-7016 FAX
R
Member: Jil Tracy
205-A N. Stratton Office Building
Springfield, IL 62706
(217) 782-8096
(217) 782-5257 FAX
R

http://www.pjstar.com/stories/031507/TRI_BCLC5GQP.045.php

Family: Youth's life sentence should stand

Victims' relatives protest bill that would grant parole review to young offenders

Thursday, March 15, 2007

By MOLLY PARKER

of the Journal Star

PEORIA - In October 1990, a judge promised the family of slain Richard and Nancy Langert that the 16-year-old boy who killed them would go to prison for life without the possibility of parole.
That promise now faces a significant hurdle as prisoner rights groups push a measure in Springfield that would allow any inmate sentenced before he or she turned 18 the right to petition the Illinois Prisoner Review Board for a parole hearing.

The force behind the bill is the increasingly powerful Chicago based John Howard Association of Illinois, which has stepped up lobbying efforts in recent months for prison reforms and was most recently credited with defeating the reappointment of former Peoria Police Chief John Stenson because critics claimed he was too "harsh" in parole cases.

Nancy Langert's cousin, Kathy Becker of rural Peoria County, is fighting back. She sent a letter to all Illinois House members who belong to the Juvenile Justice Reform committee, which is expected to vote today on HB1695. If the measure passes the committee, it would move for a full vote on the House floor.

"Maybe there are some cases that are mismanaged," Becker said. "But the judge assured them, this will never come up for parole, this kid is not going to be on the streets. He bragged he would try to kill somebody else."

That kid is David Biro - inmate B19453 at Stateville Correctional Center. He turns 35 in May.

Seventeen years ago, Biro broke into the Winnetka home of Lee Bishop, formerly of Pekin, and his wife, Joyce. The parents weren't home, but their 25-year-old daughter Nancy and her husband Richard, 30, were house sitting. Biro was tried as an adult and sentenced to life without parole for killing the couple and their unborn child.

"Why should you ever have to go to a parole hearing to say, 'Why are you even considering this?' Look what this did to our family," Becker said.

But advocates of the measure argue that a patchwork of laws regarding minors and murder convictions have created the unintended consequence of locking away young offenders for life, even if they were acting as an accomplice. Any minor at least 15 years of age involved in a double murder is automatically transferred to adult court, and if found guilty, sentenced to life without parole.

"It was the convergence of laws that ended up with this result, but none of them were necessarily thought through to end up with this result," said Malcolm Young, executive director of the John Howard Association of Illinois.

There are currently about 100 Illinois inmates who fall under this category, Young said, and their crimes vary in severity. Jennifer Bishop of Winnetka, the sister of the murdered woman, said she believes some of these cases should be looked at - particularly when the youth sentenced was not the actual perpetrator - but worries the association is trying to push through sloppy legislation in a hurry without regard to victims' families.

"There's a serious debate about whether minors should ever be sentenced to life without parole. It's a very serious question. I get the question. I get the debate," she said. "I'm a 25-year high school teacher. I have two teenagers."

Murderers like Biro should not have the right to a parole hearing, she said.

Young, though, says it's impossible to separate cases and grant parole review rights to some but not others. He conceded that perhaps the legislation - sponsored by Rep. Robert Molaro, D-Chicago - should be adjusted to limit how often a prisoner could petition for review. The legislation currently would allow it yearly, he said.

Young said he understands that it will not be easy on victims promised that they would not have to deal with parole requests. "But some people feel that sentencing someone for something they did as a child to life without the possibility of parole is a human rights violation and was not a wise promise."

Young also noted that the right to petition for parole does not mean parole will be granted.

Peoria County State's Attorney Kevin Lyons said he will fight the measure. Over the last several months, Lyons has become increasingly critical of the Prisoner Review Board, saying they have taken an "anti victim approach to doing things."

Lyons pointed to several local cases that have fueled his frustration, from the denied reappointment of Stenson to the release of Johnny Lee Savory, convicted in 1975 of the double murder of two Peoria County teens, to a recent controversy about why the board did not notify Peoria resident Bessie Volturno that one of the men convicted of murdering her husband had been freed.

"They pat themselves on the back and anoint themselves as holy representatives of the vast American public and my response would be to say nothing could be further from the truth," Lyons said.


Molly Parker can be reached at 686-3285 or mparker@pjstar.com.

 

 

March 16, 2007
Bill Compromise Being Sought

BY ADRIANA COLINDRES
of Copley News Service

SPRINGFIELD - After traveling about 200 miles to testify at a legislative hearing, Joyce Bishop nearly did not get a chance Thursday to urge lawmakers to oppose a measure that could lead to the release of her daughter’s imprisoned killer.


She finally did, however, telling them it would be a mistake to vote for the present version of House Bill 1695. That bill, sponsored by Democratic Rep. Robert Molaro of Chicago, would allow any inmate who was sentenced before the age of 18 to petition the Illinois Prisoner Review Board for a parole hearing.


Bishop recounted the 1990 murder of Nancy and Richard Langert, her daughter and son-in-law, and their unborn child. David Biro, who was 16 at the time, was sentenced to life without parole for the deaths.


“I have, in the 17 years, moved on. I have had no choice,” said Bishop, who lives in Winnetka. “Has my life been ripped apart? Yes.”


She said she never thinks about Biro, believing him to be locked “safely away” for good, but Molaro’s bill could change that.


On the other side of the issue was Leah Allen of Lansing, whose son, Marshan Allen, has been behind bars for murder since age 15. He did not commit the crime but was with the people who did, Leah Allen said. Marshan Allen soon will turn 31.


Molaro asked the committee to delay a vote on the bill until next week. He said he wants to make changes to the bill and try to find “common ground” between the measure’s supporters and opponents.


Adriana Colindres can be reached at (217) 782-6292 or mailto:adriana.colindres@sj-r.com.


For more on this story, read Friday’s Journal Star.

From the Winnetka Talk, Winnetka, IL

New bill might parole criminals

March 15, 2007
By JOANNA BRODER Staff Writer
In 1990, Richard Langert, 30, was an executive with a gourmet coffee company. His wife Nancy, was pregnant with their first child. The Winnetka couple was about to move into a new home in Prospect Heights. On April 8, their world ended.

A New Trier High School student cut through the sliding glass doors of their townhouse, forced the couple into handcuffs and made them lie down on the floor. He then shot Richard Langert execution style in the back of the head. As a terrified Nancy begged for the life of her unborn baby, he aimed the gun at her pregnant belly and fired, leaving her to die.

Then-sixteen-year-old David Biro, who was tried as an adult, was later convicted of two counts of first-degree murder and one count of intentional homicide of an unborn child. He was sentenced to three life terms without the possibility of parole. Now a new bill before the Illinois State House may make it so that Biro could be freed on parole as early as 2011.

This Thursday the House Juvenile Justice Reform Committee will have a first reading of House Bill 1695. If passed, the bill would provide offenders like Biro, who were juveniles at the time that they received their life sentences and have served at least 20 years, a chance to have the prisoner review board take a second look at their cases.

"I'm extremely close to this issue," Nancy Langert's sister Jennifer Bishop-Jenkins said. "And I know a lot about what's at stake here, but the problem with Bill 1695 ...is it's like a broad brush stroke instead of a very finely-tuned response to a complex problem."

Bishop-Jenkins' main concern is that if the bill passes, it would deny victims' families their due process because a prisoner review board, not a court of law, would have the power to reduce criminals' sentences. The board has little oversight, operates autonomously and without "answerability" to victims' families, Bishop-Jenkins said.

Also, if the bill passes, a prisoner would have the option to apply annually for parole. This could lead to an endless series of parole hearings that victims' families would need to endure, Bishop-Jenkins said. "I can't even put into words how scary that is to me," she said on the verge of tears.

Others are more optimistic about the proposed bill. It may not be perfect, but it is a "step in the right direction," said Rich Klawiter a partner at DLA Piper, an International law firm with a large office in Chicago. For the last year and a half, Klawiter has been part of The Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children, an independent, ad hoc group of lawyers, human rights activists and law schools that has been studying criminals in Illinois who received life sentences without the possibility of parole as juveniles.

Illinois eliminated parole in 1978. Therefore, the only prisoners who are currently eligible for parole are those who were sentenced prior to that year. House Bill 1695 would change that situation for the approximately 104 prisoners, currently serving life sentences, who were juveniles at the time of their sentencing.

Studies show that the teenage brain is still developing, Klawiter said. To confine a person to life in prison when they committed a crime while their brains are still evolving "seems to us unproductive and unfair," he said.

Bishop-Jenkins, who attended a Coalition meeting on Tuesday, agreed that not all juveniles currently serving life sentences deserve them. However, she said she does not approve of the process outlined in the bill. "They're just transferring the life sentence from the offenders to the victims," she said. "...The offenders who were serving a life sentence -- it's now going to be the victims, who every year for the rest of their lives, are going to have to be dealing with this."

The introduction of House Bill 1695 "retraumatized our whole family," she said.

Representative Robert Molaro, D-21st, sponsored the bill.

In the early 1990s, there was a swing to be tough on crime, according to Molaro. A bill passed making it so that juveniles committing certain types of crimes like capital murder had to be tried as adults. Prior to that time, a judge or state's attorney had the power to decide whether a juvenile would be charged as an adult. Then, a few years ago, the tide turned when the Supreme Court ruled that a juvenile offender cannot receive the death penalty.

"When you're 15, you're not the same person you are when you're 35," Molaro said. "And I think we owe it to these kids who are 15, 14 years old to take a look at it."

"My bill doesn't say you let them go," Molaro said. "No chance do you let them go. My bill says that you take a look at it and, after listening to the victims, after listening to the states attorney, the police officers, all this stuff, they then would be decided," he said.

Bishop-Jenkins said she is not opposed to allowing parole for some criminals, sentenced as juveniles, who are serving life-without-parole sentences.. However, those cases should be hand-picked and then given a one-time resentencing hearing in a court of law with a judge and an appeals' process, rather than go up before a prisoner review board.

"What they're doing is they're taking every single case from the worst of the worst down to the not-so-bad cases and they're giving them all a yearly shot at parole for the rest of their lives," she said.

Molaro said he was open to considering Bishop-Jenkins' suggestion.

Bishop-Jenkins said she is also upset that victims' families have not been notified about the bill. She learned about the bill through her political connections --she works for the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence --but many families of victims have no idea this is happening, she said.

To help spread the word about the bill and other issues, she recently launched IllinoisVictims.org.

"We are really stuck," she said. "...We have to try to get the word out that in fact there is retroactive reduction of these murderers' sentences being contemplated," she said. "Seriously contemplated."

And the family's response to this article:

To the Editor:

Re: "New Bill Might Parole Criminals" 3-15-07

I find outrageous Rich Klawiter's assertion that it is "unproductive and unfair" for convicted murderers who committed their crimes as juveniles to serve their full sentences.

David Biro's idea of being "productive" before he was arrested at age 17 for killing my family members was trying to poison his own family; shooting at passersby from his window with a BB gun; burglarizing New Trier High School; slaughtering my sister, her husband and their unborn child in cold blood; and planning yet another murder, of a Winnetka bank guard.

Mr. Biro was and is utterly remorseless for his crimes. Under the ill-considered House Bill 1695, he could be free to kill again in a matter of a few years.

I find equally outrageous the assertion that his evil behavior should be excused because his brain may still have been evolving. How evolved does one's brain need to be to know that it's wrong to break into the home of a happy young couple, lie in wait for them, force them to beg for their lives, blow them and their unborn child apart with a .357 Magnum and then brag about it afterwards? My seven-year-old son knows that it's wrong to kill.

The sponsor of the bill that could free David Biro, Rep. Robert Molaro, contends that his bill "doesn't say you let (murderers) go. No chance do you let them go." But in fact the bill would make every killer age 18 and under when he committed his crimes eligible for parole on an annual basis, and the decision to free killers would be unreviewable by any court.

Perhaps most outrageous of all, this bill is being considered without any notice whatsoever to the hundreds of murder victims' family members who would be devastatingly affected by it. Or to the countless police officers, prosecutors, witnesses and judges whose painstaking work to do justice in individual cases would be swept aside in one legislative act.

House Bill 1695 is deeply flawed. It ought to be withdrawn, and a thorough study of the complex issue of juvenile sentencing for serious violent crimes should take place with all voices at the table, including the voices of victims.

Jeanne Bishop
 

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