IL Juvenile LWOP
Home Up HBs 1695 & 4384 JLWOP Names Brain Overclaim Nat'l SEARCH JLWOP Victims

We know that the issue of Juveniles who kill is a profoundly complex and troubling one on all sides of the question. The discussion that is happening right here in Illinois may be very indicative of where the conversation will go nationally and is a very nuanced one.

LINK HERE to the new website for the new National Organization of Victims of Juvenile Liferswww.jlwopvictims.org

Thanks to the work and commitment of Illinois Victims families of these juvenile murderers serving life sentences, we are setting the standard for how victims should be included in the sentencing reform questions nationally.

A note of thanks to all of our friends from the bottom of our hearts! The calls and letters being sent to Springfield opposing HB 4384, standing up for the safety of our community, and the needs of victims have been just more touching than words can say! The public will on this matter is clear - victims families should not be put through parole hearings for the rest of their lives every year in order to try to free killers sentenced to natural life.

Contents of this page:

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A meeting was held March 25 between victims families and HB 4384's sponsor and it was good news for victims!
 

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HB 4384 could free horrific killers sentenced to life- Victims of these crimes have not been notified that the "juvenile lifers" that killed their family members could be freed and instead sentence victims families to a lifetime of parole hearings - take action and call or write NOW
 

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Chicago Tribune lead Sunday editorial supports every point we have been making about juvenile LWOP
 

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John Kass writes two columns about the ill-advised effort to potentially free JLWOP killers and their forgotten victims families
 

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Read coverage of the reaction to the Juvenile LWOP report in the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Sun Times
 

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Download a pdf of our press release about the report (released Feb 2008) - "CATEGORICALLY LESS CULPABLE" calling for release opportunities for multiple murderers who were under 18 at the time of their horrific crimes
 

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Read the initial list of flaws we found in this report, find a link to the report, read media analysis of their release
 

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Click here to read about the victims and cases of the JLWOP killers
 

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A new bill HB 4384 (Worse than HB 1695!) is filed in January 2008 in Springfield by Representative Robert Molaro that would bring back parole for some of the worst killers in the state who were sentenced to life without parole
 

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The nationwide search for victims families of killers sentenced to life for crimes committed before the age of 18 (JLWOP)
 

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Bloggers around the nation address the issue of JLWOP
 

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Download this PDF "one pager" on the current legislative threats to Life and long term prison sentences
 

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Read our OpED submitted to the Chicago Tribune after they published two stories that only told one side - that of the killer serving life for the most heinous crimes committed before the age of 18
 

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The bill in Illinois that could potentially free extremely violent and mass murderers sentenced to life - without notification to the victims families that retroactive changes to "no parole" sentences was even possible
 

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A Statement on JLWOP by IllinoisVictims.org
 

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A History of HB 1695 - legislation to possible release "Juvenile Lifers" in Illinois
 

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Media coverage of the JLWOP issue
 

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Insights on working with JLWOP victims from other states
 

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Opposition to Life Without Parole for "Juvenile Offenders" from human rights organizations 
 

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Brain Overclaim Syndrome - a problem for some advocates against juvenile life
 

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The solution is prevention and early intervention when it comes to juveniles committing crimes

HB 4384 is no longer a threat to victims families!

The news March 25, 2008 is good. Victims families were heard- for the FIRST time since advocates for juvenile killers two years ago in Illinois started the effort to potentially free them.

And not surprisingly, once the victims families present that came to tell their incredibly powerful stories of death and trauma, and were heard by those who supported the legislation to free these killers sentenced to natural life, the bill was sent back to the drawing board.

As we predicted.

What a waste all this has been. Waste of so much time, and money, and effort, and agony, and pain.

Representative Molaro is to be commended for his courage and his wisdom as the bill's sponsor for saying that he was wrong to not start with the victims last year and build a victim-sensitive approach from the start. He is a model of how to admit mistakes and begin anew. Staff from the John Howard Association would be well to follow his example.

At this meeting Rep. Molaro started over again - heard our voices, listened, and promised to follow up in the right way with whatever next steps they take.

Still no notice to the whole list of families, except for the families we recently found through the work of this website. But Rep Molaro agreed to respect principles of notification from this point forward. We hope to help see this happen in the near future.

We know that the defense lawyers and the prosecuting attorneys in the state can now focus on a serious conversation about some possible areas in legal technicalities about how certain young inmates move through the criminal justice system and look for ways to improve the process. We look forward to being able to be a part of that discussion, while safe in knowing that our loved ones' killers duly sentenced to natural life, are safely and permanently behind bars.

Representative Molaro told the John Howard Association's staff that wrote the bill that it was "off the table" as of now especially in these areas of concern:

1. No retroactivity!
2. No periodic review!
3. Victim notification promised!

Since John Howard's anti-victim position has for over the last year been the key problem, we were especially glad that they finally heard from the other experts what they have refused to hear from us.

We are gratified that everything we stood for in this conversation has been vindicated. We have in fact WON.

Thank you to the elected officials who stood with us - Mayor Daley, Representative Acevedo, Rep Beth Coulson, Rep. Chapin Rose, Rep. Dennis Reboletti, States Attorney Dick Devine, and many others.

Thank you to the media who supported victims, such as the Chicago treasure John Kass.

Thank you to the amazing law enforcement heroes, Kurt Kaner, Ron Holt, victims family members themselves, who spoke for us. And to the Illinois FOP for standing up against this bill - you are the ones who put your lives on the line every day to protect victims. Thank you for who you are and what you do.

Thanks most of all of our friends and family and supporters who were our "army" in Springfield with letters, phone calls; making possible the attention that was finally given to our voices.

The victims families of juvenile killers sentenced to natural life who dropped everything in their lives to come and speak and open their veins literally to share their pain - NOT an easy thing to do - are all heroes.

We are still angry that we had to do this, and that we had to take so much time to do something that the advocates for reform should have done from the start.

We call on the "Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children" to stop their recent anti-victim strategy and CHANGE THEIR WAYS with regards to the victims of these crimes. Resources, time and attention must be paid to the victims of these killers. We hope this process can now FINALLY begin.

It will not be easy for these advocates for the killers. They have already made huge mistakes. Their report was insultingly anti-victim and poorly written and published. They have refused up to now to do the work of notifying victims that we have asked for over the last year. They have not given a dime of their resources to the victims. Much of their approach has been insensitive and even openly at times arrogant. They must respect principles of Restorative Justice, admit and understand the harm they have caused, and now begin anew, or their project will be doomed to suffer the same fate as this ridiculously premature and ill-conceived legislation.

 

CONTACT the Bill's Sponsor and the Committee that would hear any future versions of this bill 

 

SUNDAY's CHICAGO TRIBUNE LEAD EDITORIAL SUPPORTS OUR POSITION ON JLWOP

www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/chi-0224edit1feb24,0,4718532.story 

ed note - Our position all along - JLWOP sentencing for younger killers should be (and IS) RARE, but occasionally, sadly, necessary. When the killer is one of those few "worst of the worst", the victims do not deserve to be sentenced themselves to a lifetime of parole hearings to keep the killer in prison. The sentencing law can be reformed to make it better, especially going forward. But not on the backs of victims, the entire leadership of our law enforcement and judicial system that worked so hard to apprehend and imprison these killers, and most of all, the public safety. The advocates of this bill have known this all along but have ignored everyone's advice and gone ahead with their reckless proposal, traumatizing victims families. HELP US DEFEAT HB 4384!
 
Chicago Tribune: Editorial 
Kids who kill 
February 24, 2008 
 
"The death penalty is not applied as often as it used to be, but one reason it retains more than 2-1 support among Americans is very simple: the fear that vicious murderers will someday be released from prison to kill again. The antidote to that fear is equally simple: sentencing such criminals to life in prison without the possibility of parole. Anyone who wants to abolish the death penalty, as this page does, has to be willing to assure the public that the worst murderers will never go free. 
 
That is obviously true for adult killers. But some people would prefer that the worst teenage killers face neither death nor life in prison. A new report by the Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children proposes that Illinois abolish such sentences for juveniles, and a bill in the legislature would do exactly that. But it would be a mistake to eliminate the option in the rare cases where it may be justified. 
 
Currently, 103 Illinois inmates are serving life without parole for murders committed when they were younger than 18. Though the report refers to them as "children," they were not really children when they carried out their crimes. Illinois allows life without parole in some cases for teens as young as 13, but none of the current inmates was younger than 14, and 86 percent were 16 or 17. 
 
The slayings for which they were convicted are unusually serious ones. State law allows the sentencing of adolescents to life without parole only if the offender commits an exceptionally brutal murder, kills a police officer, prison employee, community policing volunteer or child younger than 12, or kills two or more people. 
 
The argument against life without parole is juveniles are not mature enough to be held fully accountable for their actions. The report says they are "more likely to engage in behavior without evaluating consequences, and more likely to be susceptible to peer pressure than adults because their brains are not fully formed." They are also said to be better candidates for rehabilitation. 
 
All those claims may be true. But other realities argue in favor of life without parole. Consider some of the crimes that elicited these sentences. One 17-year-old kidnapped and raped a 5-year-old girl before throwing her out of a 13th-floor window. Another 17-year-old participated in a gang rape of a teenage girl, whom he and his cohorts stabbed dozens of times before repeatedly running over her with a car. Someone capable of such monstrous conduct at such a young age may be beyond any hope of rehabilitation. 
 
Rehabilitation, in any case, is not the only point of prison. Even more important is preventing those who have preyed on their fellow citizens from doing so again. As punishment, life without parole may seem excessive. But as a protection for potential victims, it doesn't. If the priority is protecting innocent people, life sentences are sometimes the only prudent option. They also spare the families of victims repeated parole hearings where they must relive their horror. 
 
This is not to say there is no room for revision of the Illinois law -- perhaps, say, to exclude those who are accomplices rather than actual killers, or to get rid of mandatory life sentences in favor of letting judges make the decision in particular cases. But it would be reckless to outlaw this option. Some crimes cry out for it. "
 

JOHN KASS, renowned columnist for the Chicago Tribune writes TWO columns about JLWOP and Victims

Column Number One link to Tribune website where you can post and read comments from all over the nation
www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/chi-kass_20feb20,0,7018080.column

chicagotribune.com

Real victims of child killers will never get early release

John Kass

February 20, 2008

 

The same crowd that figured crooked George Ryan was owed a Nobel Prize for his opposition to the death penalty -- even though his corruption came with its own body count -- is at it again.

This time -- instead of trying to save the lives of murderers on Death Row while fitting puffy angel wings on Ryan's shoulders as the former governor prepared for his corruption trial -- some georgeryanistas have new victims to rescue.

Child killers.

Not just any child killers, but killers who've taken one or more lives while they were under 18, technically making them minors when they committed murder and now they're in prison for life and don't like it.

The Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children is pushing legislation to spring these convicted murderers, to give them parole hearings after 10 years behind bars, even though they've already been spared a death sentence by receiving life without parole.

The coalition wants to save 103 souls -- now get this -- because the killers are themselves the victims. The coalition argues that the murderers' brains weren't fully formed when they killed, that peer pressure forced them to end a life or lives, and that life without parole is unacceptable.

The coalition has even come out with a study to bolster their point of view -- that the prisoners were themselves victims of a cold and unfeeling America. They've got a legislative champion, State Rep. Robert Molaro, a Chicago Democrat, to carry water for these murderous victims of a callous (at least they didn't say capitalistic) society.

There's something not quite right about all of this. It smells.

Is this about helping an entire class of killers or just one? I don't know. If you do, please call the Chicago Tribune and let me know.

In their report -- "Categorically Less Culpable" -- the georgeryanistas put together a list of victims most affected by our indifferent imprisonment of youthful murderers.

You might think the victims were people who had their lives cut short on purpose.

These include kids who had their brains blown out, or their throats cut, or were shot in the back and died in their sister's arms or children who were raped and tossed out of windows.

Other, older victims were stalked, adults killed in their homes as they begged for their lives, the husband and the wife and their unborn child; or others, whose bodies were subjected to the invasion of the muzzle of a sawed-off shotgun.

All of these were killed by teenagers. But according to the georgeryanistas, you'd be wrong if you thought the dead are the victims.

The main victims are the killers and their families who've been deprived of their love and comfort.

Under the heading, "Those most affected by juvenile lifers' crimes," are the families of those killers. They're listed first, above the families of the dead, which shows you where the real victims rank in the georgeryanista hierarchy.

"Those with whom we did speak told us how difficult it has been to cope with their family members' sentences," read the report. "Like the inmates, the family members said it was difficult to visit, because the prisons are far away."

That's terrible, not being able to visit as often as you wish. It's horrifying, to have loved ones so distant, kept against their will so they can't feel your loving embrace.

But there's another distance too. Death.

And whether you believe as many of us do, in heaven and hell, or if you're existential about it and think of the vast nothingness, the distance is still pretty damn far and there are no visits.

These are the real victims. And their mothers and fathers and sisters and brothers. They're victims too.

Should some sentences be reviewed? Yes. But by established practice, not through some blanket legislation forcing the families of the dead back into court every two years for parole hearings to relive the horror.

"Children are simply less culpable than adults," a coalition member was quoted as saying. "Because they are not yet fully formed, children are capable of change and rehabilitation and reform."

Perhaps. But their trigger fingers are fully formed. And their knife hand. And they know it's wrong to kill if you might get caught.

One of the killers eligible for parole under the Molaro plan is Johnny Freeman, who was three months shy of 18 when he grabbed 5-year-old Shavanna McCann at the Henry Horner Homes. He raped her and threw her from a 13-story window, as she screamed "Mama" before she fell in 1985.

In their arrogance, the georgeryanistas didn't include interviews with the families of the murdered in their report. We've spoken to two of those families, and I'll be writing a column about them soon.

"We'll be the ones on trial, again and again, every two years," said Ruben Pulido, whose 13-year-old son, an honor student, was murdered by a gangster on a bicycle. "Why do we have to be the ones on trial?"

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jskass@tribune.com

Kass Column Number Two link to Tribune where you can post and read comments also from all over the nation www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/chi-kass_05mar05,0,4523136.column

chicagotribune.com
Bill to free young killers suffers fatal shot of its own
John Kass

March 5, 2008

To the georgeryanistas of Illinois, I have some sad news.

They were pushing a bill to grant parole hearings to 103 teen killers -- meaning minors who were convicted of the most heinous murders and sentenced to life without parole.

But now, those teenage killers, growing old and impatient for freedom, have to wait.

"It's not going to happen," State Rep. Robert Molaro (D-Chicago), the bill's sponsor, told me Tuesday. "The bill isn't ready. I don't know if it will be withdrawn or tabled. Before we do anything, we need a lengthy hearing in which victims and their families can come forward and prosecutors can have their say.

"And even then, I don't know," Molaro said.

The Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children put out a report on those 103 cases, and considered the main victims to be the killers and the killers' families, rather than the real victims, the ones who were murdered.

How do we know this?

In the coalition's report, under the heading "Those most affected by juvenile lifers' crimes" were the families of the killers. The families of the dead came second.

"It's good news for us," said Melinda Pulido, mother of Ruben Pulido, who was 13 when he and his friend Mark Lopez were shot to death while on a neighbor's front porch in June 2000.

The killer, Robert Haynie, was 16. He rode up on a bicycle with a gun. He took orders from a gang chief, Juan Casillas, who thought the 13-year-olds were rival gang members. They weren't. They were athletes and good students who were kept away from the streets by their parents.

I sat recently at the Pulido family's dining-room table, with the sisters of Lopez. They showed me photographs of the boys, and they talked about how hard it had been to keep them away from gangs, and how proud they were that they had succeeded, until the boy on the bike was told to light them up.

They showed me a child's drawing that Ruben Pulido had made. It was a mini-poster against violence, showing a street with bungalows and a chalk outline of a boy's body on the sidewalk. It was Pulido's block. He didn't know the outline would be his own.

The killers on the bikes "literally blew out a bright light in this world," said Lopez's mother, Damaris. "God knows what he could have become. His dream was to be a lawyer, and ironically, they are the ones that are slapping him in the face."

When I wrote the original column on this topic, the georgeryanistas were furious. They had supported the former governor's death-penalty moratorium as he faced federal corruption charges that would land him in prison.

They were livid, accusing me of all manner of sins, human and journalistic.

Their PR spin concerned a young man convicted of murder simply for being a lookout in a crime, not the triggerman, and being sentenced to life behind bars. But we have appellate courts for such purposes. And we have another governor, perhaps also hoping to be seen as compassionate as the federal hammers begin to fall about him.

Should the killers be forgiven? Yes. If they repent.

But that doesn't mean they shouldn't be punished to the full extent of the law. I oppose the death penalty, but this bill merely makes it easier for death-penalty advocates to call for it once again.

Another death-penalty opponent is lawyer Jeanne Bishop, a Cook County public defender who worked with her sister, Jennifer Bishop-Jenkins, and others on the issue. But they believe that life without parole means what it says for those who kill. They have a Web site, Illinoisvictims.org.

Their sister, Nancy Langert, and her husband, Richard, were murdered in their home in 1990 by David Biro of Winnetka. He was 16 at the time. He stole a gun from his lawyer, broke into the Langert home and shot Richard in the head. The three shots Nancy took to the abdomen killed her unborn child. Nancy lived for about 15 minutes.

Nancy tried to drag herself toward her husband, pulled down a bookshelf, found a hatchet and banged it, hoping someone would hear, said attorney John Corbett in a 1996 civil proceeding to stop Biro from ever cashing in on the publicity by selling his story.

With her husband dead, and life leaving her own body, she scrawled a heart in her own blood on the floor, and the letter "U" and died, Corbett said.

Biro is in his 30s now. He must want freedom badly.

The group hoping to free the teen killers "sees the world as they want it to be," said Bishop-Jenkins, "and I see the world as it is, and the world is full of irreparably dangerous people."

And before we reach with a broad sweep that could release many of the 103, we should consider the dead and the families of the dead.

"We know the nightmare isn't over yet," said Priscilla Pulido, sister of a murdered brother. "There are a lot of these people supportive of the killers. But anyone willing to let a murderer free is wrong in my book, Ryanistas or any other istas."

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jskass@tribune.com

Copyright © 2008, Chicago Tribune
 

 

FLAWS WE FOUND IN THE REPORT:
Categorically Less Culpable: Children Serving the Life Without the Possibility Of Parole Sentence in Illinois
Issued by the "Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children"

The Report can be viewed at the Northwestern Law School website

By Jennifer Bishop-Jenkins

ED. NOTE (Critique of the report is below):  Finally we can respond to a report that represents 18 months of agony for our family. Advocates who have shown only concern for the "rights" of killers, and not for the very real rights or lives of their innocent victims have given no effort at all to outreach to the families of the victims affected by their study.
 
We have been talking to them out of the deepest concern for the other victims families who have yet to be told of the work of this coalition.  We only knew about it because of a professional association one of us had at Northwestern Law school. The report is not what we were told at its inception it would be - it does not document anything about the 103 cases other than race, age, county and a small handful of anecdotal experiences of difficulties. They ended up not telling those stories because they found that almost all of them were guilty mass murderers with not much to recommend them for sympathetic re-evaluation. So the report, which was supposed to profile these 103 cases, gave no information about their crimes, their cases, or the patterns that these larger stories could tell. This report is an advocacy piece, plain and simple, filled with propagandistic and incomplete arguments, for guilty violent offenders who represent the worst of the worst in our criminal populations - at the expense of their innocent victims. 
 
The Coalition's message received wide coverage in the media. Media interviews on the day of the release of the report were exhausting and did not explain the problems with the report's recommendations in any coverage we saw. I was misquoted in several outlets  -I never said that parole might sometimes be acceptable - it would not be ever the way to address concerns over this sentence - and I never said all these cases would be death penalty eligible - and I never said I was not informed about the report - only that the other families were not - I never said the punishment should fit the crime. The number of times I was misquoted got tiring!
 
Its another conversation for another day, but when victims are under this kind of stress to begin with, the media needs to learn not only how to interview them, but the importance of getting it right when they report . . .
 
We did however enjoy viewing the overwhelming public support evidenced on the NBC5 news poll - should Juvenile killers sometimes be able to receive a life sentence? 78% were with us - that yes, it was sometimes appropriate.  22% said no. And blogging on the topic stood, thankfully, strongly on the side of victims and public safety and appropriate life sentences for guilty mass murderers.

We offer here some critique of the report. And we repeat - we believe in Restorative Justice. We want all offenders to acknowledge their wrong, make restitution where possible to their victims. We want all human beings to get better, to grow and to be able to do good, to have hope, to help others, and to make the most of their lives. We want human rights for all - free or in prison. We continue to work hard for that. And we promise to continue to converse responsibly, as we have been, with all who want to reform an imperfect system, as we do, and to help to bring understanding to the victims as well as the offenders.
 
We believe that honors systems in prisons for long term and life sentences should reward reformed prisoners so that they can move to lower security prisons for the remainder of their terms and have the chance to go to school, mentor other troubled youth, and still have some quality of life where they can still have a positive impact on the world. We want all that for all the juvenile lifers as well. We want anyone who has been wrongly or overly sentenced to use clemency and appeals to right the wrongs in their cases and we would work to support that. We also know that most of them must just honorably serve their sentences and if they rehabilitate during that time, and we do earnestly hope for that, then they should be given program opportunities in prison for a life that allows them to help others, make restitution to their victims, and earn some privileges in prison for the remainder of their sentences.  But the fact that most of these "juvenile lifers" are guilty and dangerous murderers who should spend the rest of their lives in prison is a fact acknowledged in the very report itself. 

See the JLWOP Names page for the only list of offenders and victims that the authors of this study have given us.  It is not complete and was only given to us a few months before the release of the report. We have asked for ALL of their information and it has not been forthcoming.
 
A PAGE BY PAGE critique of the report is below, first some general overall observations about some of the flaws we find with this report:
 
1. The use of the term "Children" to refer to these killers.
 
The report repeatedly references these juvenile killers as "children" because they are under 18 at the time of their offenses.  And though that may be technically allowed with some readings of international law, the common usage in America is that "children" are younger, even single digits, and that those 13-19 are called teenagers or adolescents, or in legal matters, juveniles. Almost all the offenders were either 16 or 17, and have killed multiple people. And though the report says just once (if you blink - you will miss it!) that no 13 year old has gotten the sentence, it repeatedly implies that because Illinois law has the potential to give life to a 13 year old (it never has), there are 13 year olds in Illinois serving life sentences. Casual reading of the report would have most walking away saying - how awful! 13 year olds.
 
But there are none. And there are hardly any 14 year olds (4). And almost no 15 year olds (12). The largest group (50) of them were 17 when they killed and many were within weeks of being 18. And there were 37 sixteen year olds.
 
In Illinois 17 year olds are treated as adults in sentencing and in the Department of Corrections.  Legally adults.
 
In some states adult is legally defined as 16 for many purposes. And we all know that 18 and 21 are legal definitions in many places for different kinds of things like being drafted, smoking, drinking, etc.  The report's citing of the "general age of majority" throughout the nation does not apply in this case. The law defines ages differently for differing legal purposes - for driving, voting, drinking, signing contracts, getting married, etc. Criminal law is no exception. These younger killers are legally defined as adults. And with most of them 16 or 17, to continually call them children just to provoke emotional response in the reader not only insults both the victims and the offenders, but drives a HUGE wedge into any reasonable conversation that we all might like to genuinely have on this troubling issue.
 
The definition of "adult" varies widely depending on what you are talking about. But when the law defines cold and calculated massive criminal behavior as adult enough to be tried and sentenced as an adult, in those thankfully rare circumstances, they are not children.
 
Half of the 103 "children" killers covered by this report were 17 at the time of their crimes.
 
87 of the 103 cases - almost 86% - were 16 or 17. Only 16 of the cases were 14 or 15 at the time of the crimes. The report should have concluded if it were truly data driven that Illinois does not have a serious problem with LWOP for juveniles. Certainly not compared to other states.
 
The emotional impact of the title of the report is not substantiated by the actual data. (We note here that the Coalition told us in our early conversations with this Coalition about what the report would be about the actual facts of the cases - it was not.)
 
We do not understand the mixed messages - in the report and in the media the Coalition said they were not advocating release for these killers. In fact they thought most should stay in because of the seriousness of their crimes. But they wanted them all to be regularly reviewed in any case. No matter the consequence of that process to the victims families.
 
SO - under Illinois Law they are all legally adults because they have met the criteria in the window of sentencing transfer to adult courts based on the extreme seriousness of their offenses and other factors. The law clearly says in the teen years their culpability is determined case by case with the seriousness of the offense and the conditions of the individual crimes. Using the term both legally and normatively, they are not children.
 
Particularly painful is the section in the report where we hear quotations from the offenders themselves describing their troubled upbringings.  We know most young people do not even come close to reacting to the "parents who died" or "parents who were gone all the time with work" or "parents with substance abuse problems" or "parents who were abusive" by killing other innocent human beings. There is nothing in the way of a causal connection between bad parents and excused killing that has been demonstrated in this report. And to do so would be an ridiculous insult to the millions who have made far better choices in the wake of poor parenting. And what of those among the 103 Juvenile Lifers that had perfectly good upbringing and chose to kill for the sheer entertainment of it? Those kinds of cases (we know personally they are there) are of course not mentioned in this anecdotally selective report.
 
The real children in this report are the many child victims of these killers.
 
Nowhere in the report are the stories of the child victims, or any of the victims, even mentioned.  But the writers and researchers of the report do know those stories, from their exhaustive research. Why they chose not to tell those stories is clear. It would detract from their attempts to get sympathy for the killers.
 
Another example of provocative word choice in the report:  Calling the determinate sentencing system established in a massive reform effort in 1978 by the Illinois General Assembly a "scheme". We know that is a legal description of sentencing patterns in the United States, but for the lay reader it is pejorative.
 
2. Clemency is not even considered.
 
Clemency by a Governor as a solution to problematic sentencing, which is THE method prescribed in both our state and national Constitutions as the way to correct incorrect sentences, is completely dismissed by the report. In one small sentence, not well thought out, it simply cites a backlog of clemency petitions, and therefore concludes that clemency is an unworkable "solution" to a "systemic problem".
 
First, the report never proves a systemic problem.
 
The 103 cases are not profiled in any way. 2 years of a massive team of researchers and the final report reveals nothing about the 103 cases except age, race, and county.  Where is the data they gathered?
 
Left out . . .deliberately  - because it did not support their agenda.
 
Second, the report proposes bringing back a parole system wisely dispensed with in Illinois back in 1978 because it was racist, expensive, ineffective and a monstrous bureaucracy, and is a FAR more complicated "solution" than simply working to address the backlog of clemency petitions on the Governor's desk.
 
Third, according to what we have been told, not even one of the 103 reported "Juvenile Lifers" have even applied for clemency. They have not even tried.
 
Other approaches to possibly reforming the JLWOP system are not even discussed, underscoring the narrowness view of the report. This is inexcusable for scholars functioning at this level.
 
3. Statistics are distorted and misinterpreted in several places in the report.
 
For example, it says that only six states give out the JLWOP sentence more than Illnois (making us #7), implying that this makes us one of the worst states in the nation on the issue.  In fact, since we are the 5th largest state in population, we are actually giving the sentence LESS often than most states for our size.
 
Actual sentencing numbers bring this point home even more clearly. Illinois is not the "big problem" when it comes to Juvenile LWOP, especially when compared to other states that have it.
 
Another example of a KEY FAILURE of this report:
 
It cries racism when it says that Illinois' incarceration of African American Juvenile Lifers is "starkly higher" than the national average. 72% of Illinois' 103 juvenile lifers are African American compared to the national "average" they say of 60%.
 
But that presentation of the statistics fails to take into account that Cook County, which is half of Illinois' population, and the source of the vast majority of the Illinois JLWOP sentences, has the highest African American population BY FAR of any county in the United States. According to the 2000 US Census, Cook County has 1.4 million African Americans. No other county, including Los Angeles, New York and Houston, the other huge population centers, even come close. LA is a distant second with 990 thousand. We are half again as large as that largest population center in the USA when it comes to percentages of African Americans residing here. New York and Houston areas have almost only a third of our number. 
 
So actually, given the actual populations, Illinois' racial distribution in sentencing of these cases is probably far LESS racist proportionally than any other place in the nation. To get exact numbers would require knowing how many JLWOP cases come out of each county but a simple survey of the larger counties render the argument of this report regarding racism of Illinois' JLWOP sentencing to be an exaggerated one.
 
A map of the United States on page 24 of the report , which actually does the better job of showing where Illinois stands compared to the rest of the nation in numbers of JLWOP cases, does not explain another significant factor when comparing states - that large heavy-sentencing states like Texas, which the map says does not have Juvenile LWOP, actually until recently executed its juvenile murderers. That is until the Supreme Court ruled it unconstitutional. The map should have included those 9 states which formerly executed juveniles convicted of capital crimes. The map makes Texas look "humane" next to Illinois, which is of course ridiculous. There are less JLWOPers in Texas because up until two years ago they were all executed. (I personally went to Austin, TX and stood with the family of Napoleon Beasley to oppose his execution.  The Supreme Court case came too late to save him.)
 
4. The treatment of victims in the report ranges from ignorance and insensitivity to outright cruelty.
 
Reading this report, one might almost conclude, if one did not know better, that there were no victims of these crimes at all, save perhaps the "children" killers themselves.
 
We got VERY tired during media interviews done with the release of this report to hear members of the Coalition say how much they had sympathy for the victims. Members of the Coalition that did media interviews out and out misrepresented their contacts with victims during the process of writing this report. Unless they have been keeping victim contacts a secret from us, the only victims of these 103 juvenile lifers that they talked to are the victims families of the killings done by David Biro, and possibly one other interfamilial murder where the victim and the offender were all in one family. The other victims families that they say they have been talking to are NOT the victims of these cases but of others.
 
Here is one of the most outrageous and hurtful points of all this:
 
They did NOT bring or welcome victims "to the table", despite our pleas for over a year that they do so, as they said in media interviews on the day of the release.
 
At this point more than any other, I winced in pain. To the advocates for the "juvenile lifers" I say this loud and clear: Hypocrisy and lip service on the victim issue must be stopped in this dialogue.
 
They did not inform people whose lives would be horrifically affected if what they were proposing would become law. They have demonstrated no compassion for victims or shown ethical responsibility because if they had, all the affected victims families of the killers in this report would have been delegated some of the vast resources available to the Coalition and be at the very least advised of this process - as we have begged them to do for 18 months.
 
While twice the report actually refers to their crimes, and says they are "serious", not a one of the actual crimes is even briefly discussed in this report that supposedly was to give a picture of all the cases - the result of almost two years of interviews and research by their coalition.
 
Reading the report its as if, because the murder victims are gone, and the killers remain, they are all that matter.
 
No thought is given at all to the life sentences being served by the survivors. And their proposed solutions at the end of the report do not address, not a single one, the needs of victims. In fact it is as if they actually calculated - what would be the way that could bring release opportunities to these juvenile lifers that would do the most to cause additional harm to victims families? And then proposed it as the only way out . . .regular parole reviews.
 
In a state that does not have parole or indeterminate sentencing.
 
That requires victims families to re-engage with the offender regularly for the rest of their lives.
 
Trading a life sentence for the guilty killers to the innocent victims families.
 
We know there are other "solutions" for any problem cases they find - we have proposed them and will continue to - for those few cases where there may have been genuine injustice. They only make the case for one in the report,, however - Marshan Allen.
 
We understand that is because there were no other "sympathetic" stories they could find among the cases. Most all were multiple murderers that if they were just a few months older would have likely received death penalty trials - truly the 'worst of the worst'.
 
More ways the report is callous to victims:
 
In the section of the report labeled those "Most Affected" by the crimes of the Juvenile Lifers, the shocking number one on their list was the families of the offenders.
 
The victims' families were number two.
 
The rest of the public is not mentioned.
 
Enough said.
 
And we want to just cry when we think of the hundreds of thousands of dollars, significant grant money, impressive staff support and time donated by a major law firm, and countless hours over several years put together this report and this coalition by some of the finest minds in the city of Chicago, all to document the prison sentences of these 100 killers. With over 48,000 prisoners serving in the Illinois Department of Corrections, and 2.2 million nationally in prison, most for non-violent offenses, many cases of genuine innocence still desperately needing attention, a vigorous death penalty still alive and well in the United States, and violent crime wreaking havoc on our lives and our economy, the choice to put these kinds of resources into a report like this just stuns us. Gun violence alone in the USA is killing 82 people a day on average, and those injured who survive are costing our economy $100 Billion dollars a year.
 
The absolute best way to PREVENT young people from facing life sentences for murders is to work HARD to limit their access to guns. No other step they could take would make as much of a difference. The choice to devote the staggering financial and personnel resources that went into this report to try to liberate and bring sympathy to these killers, in the wake of the much more profound needs of their innocent victims, just eludes us.
 
Other states such as the state of Tennessee have documented the terrible price paid by children of the VICTIMS of murder. Statistics show that many of them end up in foster care, on food stamps, in deprived financial situations where they cannot go to college, and even in the criminal justice system themselves. Where is the concern for these children?
 
Among the more painful moments of reading the report was the section "in their own words" where we hear quotations from the offenders serving life sentences for multiple or aggravated and coldly calculated murders about the sadness in their lives.
The sadness in their lives.
 
Sadness that they don't get to see their families because of how far away the prison is. Sadness that their friends don't want to write them now that they have committed multiple murders and have been put away for life. Sadness that they will never get married or have children of their own. Sadness that they don't get to go to college except via correspondence.
 
The point at which I lost it (this really has been a traumatic process personally) reading this list of complaints was the point where one killer said he just wished he could live a normal life. So did, I am sure, the hundreds of murder victims whose lives were ended by these same sad "children".
 
Words fail me as a murder victims family member of one of these Illinois JLWOP cases - how do I try to explain how that all sounds to me? How can we get the authors of this report to see how that reads to the rest of us? I suppose this is simply the dilemma faced by so many victims whose needs are so often ignored. What I can only take away from this section of the report is that the authors of this study either deliberately chose to be hurtful to victims, not caring because it interfered with their agenda, or that they never gave how this all would sound to the "outside world" a single coherent thought.
 
The glaring flaw in the whole report is the complete failure to address even a single detail of the nature of the crimes that landed them in prison serving life sentences in the first place. But to do so would make this a very different report - one that would most likely bolster, strongly, the case for imprisonment.
 
Remember, every single one of the inmates in this report have had full and exhaustive due process in courtroom after courtroom after courtroom. And while flaws do exist in the criminal justice system, as we have said many times very clearly, and we repeat, innocence is an extremely serious matter that must be addressed, the report itself admits that there are only a few cases where innocence is being investigated and where parole might actually be granted if they were to be reviewed in that way.
 
Finally and worst of all, the "fair notice" the report pays lip service to, that victims should have about these proposed sentence changes for the killers of their loved ones - sentences that they were told were permanent - should only happen AFTER the legislation to provide release opportunities to those sentenced to natural life is made LAW. Too late for them to have any input at all into the process.
 
5. Overclaims throughout the report
 
Elsewhere on this page are the refutations for the Brain Overclaim Syndrome this report expectedly relies upon - that culpability is not possible with less than fully formed neo-cortexes. Why then do we ever punish our children? To help them learn and grow - that's why.  Because actions have consequences. Because sometimes you need to be removed from the rest of us when you are out of control. Because you need to understand there are limits. Because you need to learn right from wrong. Most of all we know that every child - every person - develops differently. Some are more mature, some less at a given age. Some have better reasoning, some less. Some have better judgment, some have less. And culpability is not determined by chronological age, but by the developmental advances of that individual person.
 
The killer in our family's case was fully and completely culpable. Contact me for details if you want the evidence. He was not in any way "categorically less culpable".
 
Outrageous is the only way we can respond to the authors of this report who have repeated over and over in the media and the report this "problem" with juveniles sentenced to natural life for crimes committed as "accomplices" only - sentenced under accountability theory. Illinois law holds them equally culpable - no matter the age - of anyone tried as an adult. However, they hold this out as a point of sympathy for younger offenders.
 
Just one problem- they could not document (other than Marshan Allen, the poster boy for their report) any examples of or documentation of this actually happening. One researcher told us that they couldn't actually find any of those cases.
 
So why are they talking about it in the media and in the report in their attempts to discredit the sentence?
 
A final significant concern is the way the report mischaracterizes what is happening in other states about the JLWOP sentence: in fact the report says on careful reading that only one state, Colorado, has acted to abolish the sentence - and that state not retroactively - only prospectively. And the prospective changes provide for the first parole review to not happen for FORTY years. And what the report does not tell the reader is about the bitter and divisive debate that has ensued in Colorado for years, and where retroactive changes to the sentences served by the 45 JLWOP prisoners was not done because it was incredibly problematic for a long list of reasons. Retroactive changes in sentences are a significantly different matter than prospective changes. The activists there at the Pendulum Foundation have spoken very supportively to me, and the position we have taken on this website. Emails they sent us are found on this section of the website. In it, they advise the advocates of the Illinois "Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children" to work with victims such as us, to accept prospective changes in sentencing, and to not fall into the trap of creating opposition in the murder victims' families of these offenders, but instead to do the hard work of listening to and working with victims' families, something that the Illinois advocates have yet to even attempt, but should have before publishing the report. We have never opposed prospective changes in sentencing laws because they are not a victims rights issue. And a review after 40 years is not the problem for victims families that the "at 10 years in with parole reviews every two years" that has been proposed (HB 4384) - just a nutty proposition. A 17 sentenced to life getting out when he is 27? And he is not going to still be dangerous?
 
Finances - why doesn't this report take some responsibility for the massive costs they are proposing for Illinois taxpayers - to create a brand new parole bureaucracy (something the state wisely discarded in 1978) - all to help these cases of guilty multiple murderers get regular reviews that even the report's authors admit would not nor should not result in them being released for the most part. This is not sound public policy.
 
Also, simply because other states, less than 10, have proposed bills to reform JLWOP does not mean the "tide is turning" as the report champions. It does not take the support of more than one legislator to file a bill. It does not provide any evidence for a groundswell.

In fact, those states don't have, in most cases, even close to the number of votes needed in their legislatures to pass such legislation. California's proposals were just soundly defeated. Other states are not, as the report claims, "changing their laws" as if this is some trend. Bills in any state that propose to abolish JLWOP, or any other broad systemic criminal justice reform would need broad bi-partisan coalitions to pass - something that is very difficult to accomplish politically. Advocates in Illinois are off to a bad start in their one-sided approach if that is their ultimate goal.
 
And so members of the Coalition who rushed to legislation before the long hard work of education and outreach to victims and the public was even attempted, have done not only the victims, but the offenders they say they are advocating for, a real disservice. They have turned victims into adversaries. They have discredited a responsibly conceived effort by being unwilling to have the hard, open listening conversations needed to build bridges of understanding strong enough to cross the gaps formed by violent crime. They have tried and failed to win our sympathy for what really is just a tragic, tragic situation - young people willing and able to kill so many, so easily.
 
A PAGE BY PAGE COMMENTARY ON THE REPORT:
 
Ed note: If the author's had brought a final draft of this report to us before publication, we would have offered these same thoughts and helped them to write a better report.
 
Page 1
 
Regarding the note about the use of photographs throughout the report - they acknowledge that there are photos of both Illinois JLWOPers and also "other children" and there is no labeling in the report which is which. Very propagandistic. Especially when photos throughout show such young offenders - most of the JLWOPers now are well into 20's, 30,s 40s.
 
Page 3
 
They thank the "victims families" who they talked to in the writing of the report. Though we hope they talked to others, we know only that they talked to Jeanne and Jennifer Bishop, my family. If they talked to others, they deliberately did not tell us and we think that is horrible, if it is true. If they did not talk to others, they should not imply by their wording that they talked to many victims families.
 
The few victims families we have found through our own efforts with NO assistance from the writers of this report have never talked to any of these researchers. They were shocked to hear about it, as we were, and deeply grateful to us for finding them. The disruption and time that this has cost our lives is staggering in its breadth. But we find the new relationships we have gained in the process to be nothing but a gift and truly joyous for us.
 
But this "thank you" to us on page three is more painful than if they had just left it out. The "constructive dialogue" called for here is what we have TRIED to do all along and have been thwarted at every turn. Now that the report is released we have not been contacted for the follow-up we were promised. We have not begun a dialogue, and the "recommendations fashioned" do not at all account for our concerns.
 
If you want to thank us, members of the Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children (ICFSC), find and inform all the victims families. It is never too late to choose to do the right thing.
 
But that has still not happened, two years into their work and months after the release of the report.
 
Page 6
 
Re: The quotation on the picture of the sad looking young inmate that says "How can you say someone can't change?"
 
We cannot dismiss strongly enough the assertion of the report that concluding that truly guilty and duly processed aggravated murderers should serve their entire sentences somehow means that we don't think they can change.
 
This website is filled with discussion about restorative justice and rehabilitation.
 
Of course people can change, and more than anyone who wrote and supported this report, WE wish that these killers would change.
 
If for one moment the ICFSC would walk a mile in our shoes, I am sure they could figure out the depth and truth of that.
 
Page 7
 
This is the first place the report names 13 year olds as being able to receive this LWOP sentence and it is done in several places in the report. Only once does it mention that NONE HAVE.
 
Also, from the start, the report assumes that the arguments used before the Supreme Court regarding the juvenile death penalty should and could also be applied to juvenile LWOP. That is of course an intellectually dishonest argument, as the penalties are strikingly different.  To be able to apply the same legal reasoning to LWOP cases as to the death penalty, huge bodies of research and public consensus would have to be achieved, and actually given the differences between the two penalties, we sincerely believe that this will never happen.
 
Also, this page uses the word "consensus" to refer to their growing views that juveniles should not be sentenced to life. They need to look up the word consensus again, and also broaden the circle of people they talk to.
 
The only consensus we see in our nation is that guilty and heinously aggravated murders should spend their lives in prison, if not out and our be executed.
 
Finally, this page obfuscates the issue of Colorado  "abolishing outright" the JLWOP sentence. In fact what Colorado did very minimal. They made only prospective changes, not retroactive, as the ICFSC advocates (which is by the way so legally problematic as to assure that it will never happen in Illinois); AND only after 40 years served of the sentence before a parole review, a virtual life sentence in any case; AND in a state that already has parole, which Illinois does not. To cite Colorado in support of their report actually only services the position that this website takes on the issue.
 
Page 8
 
Where the report cites things such as marriage and alcohol consumption as examples of how laws are different about children, we have two responses. First, of course, which is why the varying age limits for different things only supports our position that culpability and responsibility varies depending on what you are talking about. So second, we point out the obvious - MURDER is very different.
 
Murder is different than marrying, drinking, etc.  Duh.
 
My two daughters knew when they were 6 that it was wrong to kill, however. There is no reasonable argument that can be made that these juvenile killers did not know what they were doing was wrong, unless they were severely mentally ill, in which case they would not receive this sentence anyway.
 
And unless they can show that these killings were done on impulse (since they cite impulse control as a brain issue) then culpability does not change. The killer in my family's case plotted the murder for months, very carefully. He even practiced the skills he used that night. It was not an impulse and he knew it was wrong and he was not mentally ill, and he tortured and murdered an innocent pregnant woman and her husband. The three LWOP sentences he received were the right sentence for him.
 
Page 9
 
Re: Parole as an incentive to change - we repeat as above, no one is saying these younger killers can't and shouldn't change. They should and they must, though many will not. But to link their situations to a constant argument for parole, which really has little connection to their changing, or not changing, process does this whole issue a real disservice.
 
The authors of this report are wearing blinders that are not allowing them to see what else is out there.
 
MANY other conclusions are possible when looking at reform and societal responses to the lives in prison of younger killers.
 
Also on this page, another call to dialogue with victims.
 
How can they ethically call on legislators to do something they themselves have refused to do?
 
Page 10
 
Re: "the law simply dictates that if the child commits one of the crimes outlined in the statute, he or she is beyond redemption and is not entitled to a second chance - ever."
 
Two major things wrong with this sentence. First, most of the cases of JLWOP the killer had an earlier record, and had many second chances. Some of them have been repeat murderers. Some of them were out on bond for juvenile violent crimes and committed these heinous crimes after already being released for other offenses, or while waiting trial. If they had actually published the facts of all the 103 cases, second chances would not be on the table as a serious point of contention in this discussion. Second, to use the spiritually-laden term "redemption" to refer to what LWOP means is simply wrong and hurtful.
 
Redemption for these killers? I pray for it, daily.
 
Redemption for the victims' families? We all need to work for it.
 
But serving their sentences for these crimes has nothing to do with their redemption.
 
Page 12-13
 
The report implies that judges are asking for more and lesser options when sentencing these killers. We know of many JLWOP cases where the judges affirmed strongly that this was indeed the right sentence, and further, some expressed the desire to do worse in terms of punishment, given the facts of their crimes.
 
We know of only one - Judge Dwyer in the Marshan Allen case, that asked for that option. If there were more judges and more cases, we feel sure this report would have made a BIG deal out of that.
 
And the report on this very page PROVES that the courts and appeals can work to correct this sentence. The Supreme Court of Illinois overturned this sentence in People v Miller case. And Marshan Allen and Charles Green got new hearings because of it. The appeals system can work and should be made to continue to work even better.
 
Just because other JLWOP cases have not gotten new trials does not mean it isn't working. It could just mean that the cases were not deserving, as we generally suspect.
 
Also, there is a logical flaw in the wording of this particular argument - the Miller case specifies a JLWOPer who was only an accomplice, sentenced under accountability theory. Then the report implies that all 103 JLWOPers should be given new trials because of the Miller ruling.
 
This was a significant point in the course of our discussions with the ICFSC over the last year - how many JLWOPers were sentenced under accountability? They thought at first, they told us, there could be many. But they reported to us at the end of the study there were very few.
 
Of course, NO specifics have been forthcoming. The ICFSC only gives specifics when it supports their argument.
 
But since we now have had affirmed by their study that in most of these cases only the actual killer is the one serving the sentence, we are confident that we can have a more reasoned discussion about what the laws should be for accountability going forward.
 
And we also note, there is accountability, and then there is accountability. There is the Marshan Allen, just along for the ride who did not know what was happening inside the house.  And then there is the older gang banger who hands the gun to the younger gang member and orders him to kill the innocent victim. In that case, accountability is MORE serious than the "trigger man" in terms of culpability.
 
So the laws about accountability need to be VERY carefully reviewed, if that is what they wish to make their case about. But to blur the lines in their report is not helpful.
 
Page 13
 
The report says "clemency is not the answer" because it is rarely granted and there is a backlog of cases.
 
They said this, we suspect, because in our meetings with them we said often that this was in fact the solution prescribed in our nation's laws and Constitutions, state and federal, regarding the check and balance for a system not working as it should.
 
In fact, clemency SHOULD be rarely granted. It should be exceptional, extraordinary, and only when all other branches of government have failed thoroughly and utterly, which is sometimes the case.
 
And the backlog issue has two very much easier solutions than bringing back a parole system to Illinois that is very costly, hugely discriminatory, wildly ineffective, and horrifically traumatic on victims families. First, fewer inmates should apply. They should self regulate to only apply if they are truly deserving. Instead they apply whenever they can because they have little else to do. We need to give them better things to do. Second, the backlog should be addressed politically and through public education at the Governors' or President's desks, throughout the nation.
 
It would be far easier to mount a public education campaign about how and why clemency should be working more efficiently as a system in our nation than it would EVER be to build the political case necessary to free these younger killers duly sentenced to life.
 
We strongly urge the ICFSC to take up that campaign.
 
RE the quotation on p 13 from Kentrell S - "I am America's child. You made this and now don't sweep it under the rug" - I have two observations.
 
First, we can't tell from one quotation but the theme in this report is not to address responsibly the issue of accountability by these killers. It does not help to build their case to make excuses for what they have done, and to try to pass off blame. Quite the contrary, the more the advocates for the JLWOPers learn to address what the killers are responsible for, and the more they can begin the restorative justice dialogue about acknowledging harm and working for restitution, the better off they will all be.
 
Second, we agree - there is something VERY wrong with our nation on this issue. We see the level of violence committed regularly by the young people in this nation to be alarming beyond words. Especially because it is NOT seen in other nations. Lets take, just for example, Finland. Why aren't there juveniles committing aggravating murders? Could it be because they don't have the NRA, the gun industry, and the easy access to ridiculous levels of firearms? Could it be because they have good education, jobs training, health care, welfare, and a responsible view of how to build a community where all are valued and problems are addressed collectively by the government that the people are invested in? Could it be that they know prevention is the answer and that the USA has not figured that out yet?
 
I would assert that my personal work to keep guns away from kids in our nation does more to keep young people away from serving a JLWOP sentence than anything that the authors of this report are doing. I invite them to join my work in that area if they really want to stop young people from serving life sentences. And they could support Fight Crime Invest in Kids  as I do. And they could support the Victim Impact Panel programs for the Cook County Juvenile Probation program that does more to take young first offenders and help to turn them around than most any program in the nation. (This program has been severely curtailed under Todd Stroger's budget cuts - I suggest that the ICFSC go to work on that!)
 
RE the inset box on page 13 lower left - the age of "juveniles" in Illinois is 17, not 18, and yet they use this as their demarkation line in the report.
 
This is problematic for several reasons - first there is NO consensus nationally about the age line - it is widely different all over the nation. They should work for federal consistency if they think this is an issue.
 
However, clearly a reason they include 17 year olds in this report is because it bolsters their numbers and makes the problem look bigger. There would only be just over 50 JLWOPers without the 17 year olds.
 
But in Illinois the 17 year olds are ALREADY criminally adults anyway. And while the ICFSC supports bills to raise that law, it will not be happening in Springfield any time soon because 17 year olds make up the bulk of the crimes and they are a huge expense criminally. If the age is raised to 18, then all 17 year old criminals become the responsibility of the County Governments in the state. None of them can afford this and they are all fighting it for that reason.
 
This report takes liberal leaps with the law when including 17 year olds in this report when it briefly acknowledges "for the purposes of this report" they are defining juvenile criminals where they want to - under 18 - instead of addressing the laws in Illinois and many states as they are.
 
MORE TO COME

 

 

chicagotribune.com

Online at the Tribune site you can post comments and join the debate!

Group proposes abolishing life sentences for juveniles

Victims advocates oppose abolishment

By Michael Higgins

Tribune reporter

February 14, 2008

 

In a move that angered victims rights advocates, a coalition of lawyers and academics on Wednesday called on Illinois to abolish sentences for juveniles of life in prison without the possibility of parole.

The report by the Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children also recommends that a parole board consider releasing juveniles sentenced to the life terms who have already served substantial periods.

"These children should have the opportunity to prove to a parole board that they have rehabilitated themselves in prison," said Richard Klawiter, an attorney at the Chicago law firm of DLA Piper and a coalition member.

In its 40-page report, the coalition said it had interviewed nearly all of the 103 inmates in Illinois prisons sentenced to life for crimes committed when they were juveniles. Nationwide, at least 2,380 inmates are serving life sentences for crimes they committed as juveniles.

The coalition argued that no possibility of parole is unfair for even the most serious juvenile offenders because children are less culpable than adults and are capable of change.

The report cited recent research that children lack the impulse control of adults and are more vulnerable to peer pressure because their brains are not fully developed.

The coalition supports a bill pending in Springfield that would enact similar changes. But the legislative proposal drew immediate fire from some victims rights advocates.

"It's going to be a nightmare for victims," said Jennifer Bishop-Jenkins, founder of IllinoisVictims.org. "It's agonizing for all of us."

Bishop-Jenkins' sister and brother-in-law, Nancy and Richard Langert, were killed in 1990 by David Biro, one of the 103 inmates convicted as juveniles and serving life sentences in Illinois prisons.

Cook County State's Atty. Richard Devine's office also opposes the bill, which calls for parole hearings every two years, said spokesman John Gorman.

"This would rip the emotional scabs from the victims' families and is grossly unfair," Gorman said.

The controversy concerns juvenile offenders who were accused of murder and tried as adults. If convicted in adult court of double homicide or the murder of a police officer, they face life without the possibility of parole.

Some of those convicted as juveniles may deserve parole, especially if they were accomplices to older offenders and did not carry out the actual killing, said Malcolm Young, executive director of the John Howard Association of Illinois, a prison-watchdog group.

In some cases, Young said, "[the juveniles] were marginally involved in something like a robbery or drug deal. They didn't necessarily know there was going to be a murder."

-----------

mjhiggins@tribune.com

 

 
 
"Real victims of child killers will never get early release"
John Kass, Column, Chicago Tribune
February 20, 2008
The same crowd that figured crooked George Ryan was owed a Nobel Prize for his opposition to the death penalty -- even though his corruption came with its own body count -- is at it again.

This time -- instead of trying to save the lives of murderers on Death Row while fitting puffy angel wings on Ryan's shoulders as the former governor prepared for his corruption trial -- some georgeryanistas have new victims to rescue.

Child killers.

Not just any child killers, but killers who've taken one or more lives while they were under 18, technically making them minors when they committed murder and now they're in prison for life and don't like it.

The Illinois Coalition for the Fair Sentencing of Children is pushing legislation to spring these convicted murderers, to give them parole hearings after 10 years behind bars, even though they've already been spared a death sentence by receiving life without parole.

The coalition wants to save 103 souls -- now get this -- because the killers are themselves the victims. The coalition argues that the murderers' brains weren't fully formed when they killed, that peer pressure forced them to end a life or lives, and that life without parole is unacceptable.

The coalition has even come out with a study to bolster their point of view -- that the prisoners were themselves victims of a cold and unfeeling America. They've got a legislative champion, State Rep. Robert Molaro, a Chicago Democrat, to carry water for these murderous victims of a callous (at least they didn't say capitalistic) society.

There's something not quite right about all of this. It smells.

Is this about helping an entire class of killers or just one? I don't know. If you do, please call the Chicago Tribune and let me know.

In their report -- "Categorically Less Culpable" -- the georgeryanistas put together a list of victims most affected by our indifferent imprisonment of youthful murderers.

You might think the victims were people who had their lives cut short on purpose.

These include kids who had their brains blown out, or their throats cut, or were shot in the back and died in their sister's arms or children who were raped and tossed out of windows.

Other, older victims were stalked, adults killed in their homes as they begged for their lives, the husband and the wife and their unborn child; or others, whose bodies were subjected to the invasion of the muzzle of a sawed-off shotgun.

All of these were killed by teenagers. But according to the georgeryanistas, you'd be wrong if you thought the dead are the victims.

The main victims are the killers and their families who've been deprived of their love and comfort.

Under the heading, "Those most affected by juvenile lifers' crimes," are the families of those killers. They're listed first, above the families of the dead, which shows you where the real victims rank in the georgeryanista hierarchy.

"Those with whom we did speak told us how difficult it has been to cope with their family members' sentences," read the report. "Like the inmates, the family members said it was difficult to visit, because the prisons are far away."

That's terrible, not being able to visit as often as you wish. It's horrifying, to have loved ones so distant, kept against their will so they can't feel your loving embrace.

But there's another distance too. Death.

And whether you believe as many of us do, in heaven and hell, or if you're existential about it and think of the vast nothingness, the distance is still pretty damn far and there are no visits.

These are the real victims. And their mothers and fathers and sisters and brothers. They're victims too.

Should some sentences be reviewed? Yes. But by established practice, not through some blanket legislation forcing the families of the dead back into court every two years for parole hearings to relive the horror.

"Children are simply less culpable than adults," a coalition member was quoted as saying. "Because they are not yet fully formed, children are capable of change and rehabilitation and reform."

Perhaps. But their trigger fingers are fully formed. And their knife hand. And they know it's wrong to kill if you might get caught.

One of the killers eligible for parole under the Molaro plan is Johnny Freeman, who was three months shy of 18 when he grabbed 5-year-old Shavanna McCann at the Henry Horner Homes. He raped her and threw her from a 13-story window, as she screamed "Mama" before she fell in 1985.

In their arrogance, the georgeryanistas didn't include interviews with the families of the murdered in their report. We've spoken to two of those families, and I'll be writing a column about them soon.

"We'll be the ones on trial, again and again, every two years," said Ruben Pulido, whose 13-year-old son, an honor student, was murdered by a gangster on a bicycle. "Why do we have to be the ones on trial?"

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jskass@tribune.com
Copyright © 2008, Chicago Tribune
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THE CHICAGO SUN-TIMES POSTS OUR LETTER TO THE EDITOR IN RESPONSE TO THEIR ARTICLE ABOUT THE JLWOP REPORT
 
Justice for victims' families?
Forcing families of murder victim through regular parole hearings for duly sentenced "juvenile lifers" only transfers the life sentence to us. These few cases were not "routine" killings; all of them were heinous and calculated multiple or aggravated murders.

Illinois eliminated parole in 1978 because it's a discriminatory, costly and ineffective bureaucracy. The advocacy report actually confirmed that they found almost no examples of error in these 103 cases.

The "racial bias" issue has also been misunderstood because the minorities under this sentence are mostly from Cook County, which has the highest minority population of any county in the United States -- 1.4 million in 2000 census. Minority representation is actually lower proportionally from Cook County than other regions in the nation where the sentence is more frequent.

Jennifer Bishop-Jenkins,
illinoisvictims.org

 

Talking points on HB 4384 - filed January 2008 in the Illinois General Assembly

View the bill at www.ilga.gov

1. This bill could free convicted multiple murderers, some of the state's most heinous murderers sentenced to  life without parole and tried as an adults, after only ten years in prison.

In addition to the danger posed by such releases (some of them are already repeat murderers) as evidenced by parolees’ violent acts all over the nation, there are significant legal problems. Families were told that the killers in their cases could never get out of prison under any circumstances. Therefore some key components of the trials, such as the sentencing hearing transcripts, are no longer available to families and prosecutors. Due Process rights under Law, and the fair treatment required by the Illinois Constitution, 8.1 Victims Rights Amendment, would be denied to victims. We could not adequately defend our interests, and Prosecutors would be heavily burdened. We have also received a legal brief from the National Crime Victims Law Institute that details how any such bill would be a violation of our rights under the Illinois Constitution.

2. The majority of Illinois residents will oppose this bill.

To show how easy it will be to generate significant opposition to this notion of offering parole to killers sentenced to life without parole, last year when Rep Molaro introduced a similar bill (HB 1695), with only a few hours of effort sending emails and calls to friends, hundreds of calls and letters descended upon committee members offices in Springfield demanding the bill be withdrawn, which it was, without even a vote in committee. It was covered in the press. We are quite sure that if we had to launch into a full-scale public campaign against this bill that we would have overwhelming and vocal support from the entire state and even the nation. It is work we dearly do not want to do, but we will if we have to.

3. This Bill will be highly divisive, controversial, and will only generate animosity instead of solutions.

We doubt the bill will get much support but even if it is pushed, it will generate much controversy and divisiveness. It will traumatize worried victims’ families, while mobilizing every “law and order” voice, States Attorneys, Law Enforcement, and those “Tough on Crime”, against those who think this is reform.

And for this bill to pass, the state would have to decide to bring back "indeterminate" sentencing - a system wisely disposed of by Illinois in 1978. All the attendant problems would come with it: the larger bureaucracy and taxpayer expense associated with such an evaluation process. Hardest of all to understand, it would replicate the troubling "C Number problem" (the diminishing 270 or so inmates left still being reviewed by the PRB annually for parole from before 1978) that the same advocates for this bill are trying to end, complaining that it is a “broken system”. Now a whole new young group of inmates would start the indeterminate sentencing problem all over again, just when Illinois was almost finally rid of this last vestige of a most discriminatory sentencing system.

And the mechanism for review proposed in the bill is problematic - the Prisoner Review Board. To give this decision to a controversial agency, viewed by some as an over-paid patronage dumping ground, accountable to no one, instead of to Courts of Law is wrong-headed.

Freeing some of the worst killers sentenced to life is not going to be a popular idea politically. All the police, prosecutors, courts, family and community members affected by these cases, all the money and lawyers and appeals and